Emotions in the Workplace: Understanding the Structure and Role of Emotions in Organizational Behavior

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Robert George Lord, Richard J. Klimoski, Ruth Kanfer
Jossey-Bass, 2002 - Comportement organisationnel - 516 pages
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After years of neglect, organizational research has increasingly focused on emotions at work. This book is the first to bring together recent findings in one place and present a solid industrial/organizational research perspective on this complex area of inquiry. Emotions in the Workplace offers a concise, scholarly introduction to new developments and an overview of how basic theory and research in affect and emotions has influenced the science and practice of industrial/organizational psychology. A varied and distinguished group of contributors examines emotional regulation in organizations on a number of different levels, integrating research on individual, dyadic, group, and organizational-level phenomena. In one convenient volume, the book addresses a wide range of key topics, including aggression at work, emotional labor, the work-family interface, and more.

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Review of Emotional Intelligence, by Daniel Goleman
Kevin Langdon
Published in Noesis #145, November 1999
Copyright 1999 by Kevin Langdon
When people are asked to rank the importance of various attributes, in themselves, in a potential mate, or in human beings in general, intelligence makes a respectable showing but it’s rarely at the top of the list.
But when a person is challenged in real life, when his honor, his beauty, his kindness, his industry, or his honesty is put into question, nothing provokes such a strong defensive reaction as the suggestion that he’s not too bright.
If one were asked about his expectations regarding the distribution of nose-to-tail length of an unknown population of animals (let us assume they’re all full-grown and all the same sex, for the sake of simplicity), one would unhesitatingly reply that, in all likelihood, a few would be very large, a few would be very small, and the vast majority would be clustered somewhere in the middle. We expect this on the basis of our own experience and as a result of well-known principles of genetic variation and selection.
If one were asked to speculate about the results of similar measurements on genetically separate but similar populations, one would reply that similar distributions would be found in each, but with different means.
But when the populations involved are different “races” of human beings and the measurement to be made is of intelligence instead of physical dimensions, these expectations suddenly vanish, to be replaced by pious profession of the equality of all peoples.
Despite the overwhelming consensus among psychometricians and human geneticists that large, systematic differences in average intelligence levels exist between the races of mankind and that a major component of these differences is genetic, publication of The Bell Curve, a popular book by experts in the science of intelligence that had the temerity to say so, was greeted with a huge outcry, accusations of racism, and a manufactured controversy over a set of propositions that are, in fact, not controversial among experts in the field.
Reviewers of The Bell Curve have gone to great lengths to discredit the book and its authors; some have gone to absurd lengths, as in a review featured in Time which denied the applicability to the real world of the very concept of intelligence, despite the well-established correlation of IQ with success in school and in scientific and technical specialties such as physics, engineering, and computer programming.
Why do these ideas provoke such a strong reaction? We have already touched on several key aspects. People understand, in a very direct, instinctive way, that intelligence is fundamental and plays a key role in effectiveness in life and in the ability to formulate the deeper questions whose pursuit leads man in the direction of meaning. Thus the idea that some people, and certain groups of people, are inherently and unalterably better endowed than others with this fundamental attribute stirs deep fears, tribal rivalries and hatreds, and many-leveled compensations for these primitive impulses so unacceptable in supposedly civilized people.
In 1995, just as the reverberations from the ringing of The Bell Curve had sensitized us to these polarizing issues involving race, intelligence and privilege in society, another book appeared, Emotional Intelligence, by Daniel Goleman, well-known for his writings on spiritual subject matter and on “the behavioral and brain sciences,” seeming to offer a point of view with the potential to reconcile opposing views and calm the waters in this explosive area.
The cover of Emotional Intelligence proclaims it to be “the groundbreaking book that redefines what it means to be smart”—and Goleman does, indeed, attempt such a redefinition. For the critical reader, the question is: to what extent does he succeed?
A passage in the introductory chapter titled “Aristotle’s Challenge” presents a thumbnail summary of the principal thesis of the
 

Contents

Conceptual Foundations
1
Conceptual and Empirical Foundations
20
Models Measures
64
Copyright

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About the author (2002)

Robert G. Lord is professor and chair of the Department of Psychology at the University of Akron. Richard J. Klimoski is professor of psychology, director of the Center for Behavioral and Cognitive Studies, and associate dean, College of Arts and Sciences, George Mason University. Ruth Kanfer is professor of psychology in the School of Psychology at the Georgia Institute of Technology.

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