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"required.” The sixth of October he embarked at Sandwich; and the same day took land at Calais, which was the rendezvous, where all his forces were assigned to meet. But in this his journey towards the sea-side, wherein, for the cause that we shall now speak of, he hovered so much the

5 longer, he had received letters from the lord Cordes, who the hotter he was against the English in time of war, had the more credit in a negotiation of peace; and besides was held a man open and of good faith. In which letters there was made an overture of peace from the French King, with 10 such conditions as were somewhat to the King's taste; but this was carried at the first with wonderful secrecy. The King was no sooner come to Calais, but the calm winds of peace began to blow. For first, the English ambassadors returned out of Flanders from Maximilian, and certified the 15 King, that he was not to hope for any aid from Maximilian, for that he was altogether unprovided. His will was good, but he lacked money. And this was made known and spread through the army. And although the English were therewithal nothing dismayed, and that it be the manner of 20 soldiers, upon bad news to speak the more bravely; yet nevertheless it was a kind of preparative to a peace. Instantly in the neck of this, as the King had laid it, came news, that Ferdinando and Isabella, Kings of Spain, had concluded a peace with King Charles; and that Charles had 25 restored unto them the counties of Russignon and Perpignian, which formerly were mortgaged by John King of Aragon, Ferdinando's father, unto France, for three hundred thousand crowns; which debt was also upon this peace by Charles clearly released. This came also handsomely to 30 put on the peace; both because so potent a confederate was fallen off, and because it was a fair example of a peace bought; so as the King should not be the sole merchant in

this peace. Upon these airs of peace, the King was content that the bishop of Exeter, and the lord Daubeney, governor of Calais, should give a meeting unto the lord Cordes, for

the treaty of a peace. But himself nevertheless and his 5 army, the fifteenth of October, removed from Calais, and in four days' march sat him down before Boulogne.

During this siege of Boulogne, which continued near a month, there passed no memorable action, nor accident of

war; only Sir John Savage, a valiant captain, was slain, 10 riding about the walls of the town, to take a view. The

town was both well fortified and well manned; yet it was distressed, and ready for an assault. Which, if it had been given, as was thought, would have cost much blood; but

yet the town would have been carried in the end. Mean15 while a peace was concluded by the commissioners, to con

tinue for both the Kings' lives. Where there was no article of importance; being in effect rather a bargain than a treaty. For all things remained as they were, save that there should

be paid to the King seven hundred forty-five thousand du20 cats in present, for his charges in that journey; and five and

twenty thousand crowns yearly, for his charges sustained in the aids of the Britons. For which annual, though he had Maximilian bound before for those charges; yet he counted

the alteration of the hand as much as the principal debt. 25 And besides, it was left somewhat indefinitely when it

should determine or expire; which made the English esteem it as a tribute carried under fair terms. And the truth is, it was paid both to the King and to his son King Henry the

eighth, longer than it could continue upon any computation 30 of charges. There was also assigned by the French King,

unto all the King's principal counsellors, great pensions, besides rich gifts for the present. Which whether the King did permit, to save his own purse from rewards, or to com


municate the envy of a business, that was displeasing to his people, was diversely interpreted. For certainly the King had no great fancy to own this peace. And therefore a little before it was concluded, he had under-hand procured some of his best captains and men of war to advise him to a 5 peace, under their hands, in an earnest manner, in the nature of a supplication. But the truth is, this peace was welcome to both Kings. To Charles, for that it assured unto him the possession of Britain, and freed the enterprise of Naples. To Henry, for that it filled his coffers; and that 10 he foresaw at that time a storm of inward troubles coming upon him, which presently after brake forth. But it gave no less discontent to the nobility and principal persons of the army, who had many of them sold or engaged their estates upon the hopes of the war. They stuck not to say, 15 “That the King cared not to plume his nobility and people, "to feather himself.” And some made themselves merry with that the King had said in parliament: “That after the war was once begun, he doubted not but to make it pay itself;" saying, he had kept promise.

Having risen from Boulogne, he went to Calais, where he stayed some time. From whence also he wrote letters, which was a courtesy that he sometimes used, to the mayor of London, and the aldermen his brethren; half bragging what great sums he had obtained for the peace; knowing 25 well that full coffers of the King is ever good news to London. And better news it would have been, if their benevolence had been but a loan. And upon the seventeenth of December following he returned to Westminster, where he kept his Christmas.

30 Soon after the King's return, he sent the order of the garter to Alphonso duke of Calabria, eldest son to Ferdinando King of Naples. An honour sought by that Prince


to hold him up in the eyes of the Italians; who expecting the arms of Charles, made great account of the amity of England for a bridle to France. It was received by Al

phonso with all the ceremony and pomp that could be 5 devised, as things use to be carried that are intended for

opinion. It was sent by Urswick; upon whom the King bestowed this ambassage to help him after many dry employments.

At this time the King began again to be haunted with 10 spirits, by the magic and curious arts of the lady Margaret;

who raised up the ghost of Richard duke of York, second son to King Edward the fourth, to walk and vex the King. This was a finer counterfeit stone than Lambert Simnel ;

better done, and worn upon greater hands; being graced 15 after with the wearing of a King of France, and a King of

Scotland, not of a duchess of Burgundy only. And for Simnel, there was not much in him, more than that he was a handsome boy, and did not shame his robes. But this

youth, of whom we are now to speak, was such a mercurial, 20 as the like hath seldom been known; and could make his

own part, if at any time he chanced to be out. Wherefore this being one of the strangest examples of a personation, that ever was in elder or later times; it deserveth to be discovered, and related at the full. Although the King's

manner of shewing things by pieces, and by dark lights, 25 hath so muffled it, that it hath left it almost as a mystery to this day.

The lady Margaret, whom the King's friends called Juno, because she was to him as Juno was to Æneas,

stirring both heaven and hell to do him mischief, for a 30 foundation of her particular practices against him, did

continually, by all means possible, nourish, maintain, and

divulge the flying opinion, that Richard duke of York, second son to Edward the fourth, was not murdered in the Tower, as was given out, but saved alive. For that those who were employed in that barbarous fact, having destroyed the elder brother, were stricken with remorse 5 and compassion towards the younger, and set him privily at liberty to seek his fortune. This lure she cast abroad, thinking that this fame and belief, together with the fresh example of Lambert Simnel, would draw at one time or other some birds to strike upon it. She used likewise a 10 farther diligence, not committing all to chance : for she had some secret espials, like to the Turks' commissioners for children of tribute, to look abroad for handsome and graceful youths, to make Plantagenets, and dukes of York. At the last she did light on one, in whom all things met, 15 as one would wish, to serve her turn for a counterfeit of Richard of York.

This was Perkin Warbeck, whose adventures we shall now describe. For first, the years agreed well. Secondly, he was a youth of fine favour and shape. But more than 20 that, he had such a crafty and bewitching fashion, both to move pity, and to induce belief, as was like a kind of fascination and enchantment to those that saw him or heard him. Thirdly, he had been from his childhood such a wanderer, or, as the King called him, such a land-louper, 25 as it was extreme hard to hunt out his nest and parents. Neither again could any man, by company or conversing with him, be able to say or detect well what he was, he did so flit from place to place. Lastly, there was a circumstance, which is mentioned by one that wrote in the 30 same time, that is very likely to have made somewhat to the matter; which is, that King Edward the fourth was his godfather. Which, as it is somewhat suspicious, for a

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