they will all agree, has been only too long delayed. But the most important part of the Statement before us will perhaps be found to be that which notices Mr. Buckingham's reply, when directed by Government not to insert any remarks disrespectful to his Majesty of Oude. These remarks are not a justification of his own conduct, for having done so, in reply to the displeasure of the Governor General in Council, expresssed on this account; but they are a voluntary and gratuitous exposé of what he considers himself entitled to do, as the editor of a public newspaper; and, of all his correspondence with Government, they appear to us, at once the most insolent, and the most indefensible. The insolence, which could dictate a declaration, that he considered a desire of the Governor General in Council, that he would attend to the regulations laid down for the press, in the same light as a civil request from an agency house, and mete out his obedience to it, with what measure he should deem just, was unparalleled in the history of our power in India; and, considering the very dependent state in which this "free mariner" stood, and the total absence of either claims to indulgence and respect, or interest to procure them, which existed in his case, we should be tempted to term his conduct absolute fatuity, did not other circumstances prevent us from coming to such a conclusion. It cannot fail to excite surprise, that, even after all these aggressions, Mr. Buckingham was permitted to continue in the publication of his Journal; but the leniency which he experienced, was far from inspiring him with either gratitude or respect to his protector. We have seen already in what language he soon after spoke of the nobleman, to whom alone he owed the indulgence which he had met with. It is, however, but justice to Mr. Buckingham to state, that the principle of his public conduct, as an editor, was not guided by personal feelings of vindictiveness to Lord Hastings: it was founded on the assumed right of canvassing, as freely as he thought proper, the measures of Government, and setting at open defiance the authority, as illegal, which had subjected, and still retained, the press under a code of recorded regulations. This principle Mr. Buckingham only waited for what he thought a fit opportunity for carrying into practical effect; and the appointment of a reverend gentleman to a very subordinate office in the service, furnished this opportunity; and it was not overlooked. Government had, however, by this time, determined, that forbearance towards the editor of the Journal was no longer consistent with what it owed to its own character, and to the public safety; and as it was obvious, that the importance or unimportance of the office commented on, did not affect the principle set up by Mr. Buckingham, the penalty of the laws, which he had not only so repeatedly transgressed, but had openly declared his intentions to violate, on all occasions when he thought it expedient, was exacted to the full amount. After tracing the progress of the late editor of the Journal from the period of his commencing his public labours at this Presidency, up to the day of his transmission, the Statement before us proceeds to discuss more generally the question of "free discussion" and a "free press," as applicable to British India. The subject has lately undergone much discussion, and attracted a great degree of attention; but we have seen no remarks more just than those contained in this Statement, which is replete with sound sense and cogent argument. While it maintains the doctrine, that in India there is no public, entitled to exercise a controuling opinion, through the press, over the acts of Government, nor indeed can be, until this Government is thoroughly disputed, and its exercise always found beneficial. They have never shrunk from the award of that tribunal; and of no governments connected with the British rule, have the acts been more minutely scrutinized, than those of the Indian. But sure we are, no real friend of the British rule in India will desire to see a press established in that country, which like Mr. Buckingham's, shall openly set the authority of Government at defiance; and by giving publicity to the most unfounded and calumnious charges, against the military department of the State, do all in its power to excite disaffection in our gallant and faithful army. new modelled, it admits in the fullest latitude the benefit of such a controul, when exercised by those in whom it is legitimately vested; and it proves, to demonstration, the absurdity of vesting this right either in the servants of Government itself-in those, who reside in India, not only under favour and license, but in fact under express agreement, that to no such right will they ever pretend-and à fortiori in those, not perhaps the least numerous, who residing in India without license, are in the daily practice of "a misdemeanor at law." In the course of this examination the author of the Statement reprobates, in very sharp and pointed terms, the conduct of a factious few, who "for their own self- But in looking to the evils that ish purposes," have agitated the ques- would inevitably occur, under a press, tion of a free press in India, and over which a Government, situated as advocated the existence of a public, that of British India is, had no conclothed in the same rights and privi- troul, it is also proper to look to the leges, as the public in England. The pretended disadvantages, entailed on Statement before us will, we doubt us by the system, that has been adoptnot, open the eyes of several of those, ed. We are told, that the disseminawho have been so ill advised as to tion of knowledge and civilization, and join this faction; and enable them to even religion itself, must be effectualsee, that while the right which they ly stopped by it! Can any thing be contend for could possibly lead to no imagined more illiberal and uncangood, either civil or political, which did? It has been the uniform endeathey do not already enjoy, so would vour of the Local Governments of this its exercise, under a Government con- country, surrounded as they are by stituted as that of British India is, difficulties and dangers, arising open a door to the most dangerous from the religious prejudices which evils. The scrutiny, which the autho- centuries have created in the minds rities at home, and the public voice of of millions of our native subjects, to the people of England, exercise over promote every scheme for the moral the minutest acts of the Local Govern- and religious improvement of our ments of this country, must satisfy dominions. Every succeeding day of every rational and unprejudiced friend our domination has proved more and of liberty. Let the men who call out more the sincerity and zeal of this so lustily in favour of a controul, desire; and because, forsooth, it has through the Indian press, employ them- been deemed expedient to prevent the selves diligently in amassing the wealth daily issue of disrespect to its authothat is to enable them to return to rity, and incitements to disregard its their native country, and they will enactments, even in its military dethere find the most ample opportunipartment, we are to be told, that the ties, both in Parliament, in the India- march of intellectual, moral, and reHouse, and through the press, to ligious improvement has been imbring the acts of the Local Go- peded!! In direct opposition to this vernment of India to the bar of a public, whose title to controul is un assertion we aver, that the progress of every useful and ornamental art and science, under our Government, will be more completely provided for than ever, now that this Government, known to the native population for their former acts of beneficence and protection, have a more complete controul over certainly one of the most efficient means of diffusing knowledge and improvement. We have seen, indeed, and we are willing, that those who take an opposite view of the subject, should have all the advantage of the admission- that an effect of the new regulation has been, to shut up one native press and newspaper. The editor of this paper has declared his inability to go on publishing, under what he would represent as to him degrading conditions; and he laments that he, "one of the most humble of men," should be no longer able to contribute towards the intellectual improvement of his countrymen. We were totally unacquainted with the merits of his paper, while it existed; and therefore cannot, on our own knowledge, pretend to say whether we ought to congratulate, or sympathize with the native editor's countrymen, on the cessation of his labours:† but we regret to observe, that they should have ceased, solely on looking to the reasons assigned for abruptly closing them-reasons, which, whatever sophistical whining may allege, have a direct tendency to reflect on the act of Government, and to hold it up, as regardless of the improvement of its native subjects. The policy of allowing a free press in India, is so ably examined in the Statement before us, that we cannot deny such of our readers, as may not see the document itself, the pleasure of perusing the closing paragraphs. In every point of view, then, in which the question can be considered, it appears that the toleration in this country- of a press uncontrolled by those restraints, which the Government, in the exercise of its discretion, may think fit to impose, *Mirut ool Acber. We have seen, to be sure, a few trifling extracts from this paper, and have admitted several of them into our pages as curiosities. would be fraught with the most extensive mischief, while it would be completely check on the executive power. The true impotent and misplaced as a constitutional control over the Indian Government lies in the constituted authorities at home under which it acts, and to which all its proceedings, even the most inconsiderable, are minutely laid open; in its responsibility to Parliament, and to the public voice in England, by which its measures must be canvassed, and the applause or censure of the country ultimately pronounced. To that scrutiny and control every public functionary must be willing and proud discussing and pronouncing on the meato submit: but the unrestrained power of sures of the Local Government, through the medium of the Indian press, or (what would soon follow) at public assemblies convened for the purpose, is as inconsistent with the fundamental principles established by the wisdom of Parliament for the government of this country, as it would be dangerous to the momentous public interests involved in the success of its administration. We cannot take leave of this so long agitated subject, without congratulating every Englishman in India, on the possession of a public press, which there is now the best guarantee, can do no injury to our power, and which, in the hands of gentlemen, and do, and we most sincerely hope, will men of prudence and judgment, may do much, towards the intellectual, moral, and religious improvement of our native subjects- a press which freed from the galling controul, and the placed equally beyond abuse by the partialities of a censor, has been theories and the crudities of halfeducated and licentious demagogues. A Guide to the Commerce of Bengal, &c., containing a View of the Shipping and External Commerce of Bengal; with a copious Appendix, comprehending various Details and Statements relative to the Shipping and Commerce of Countries connected with British India and China. By John Phipps, of the Master Attendant's Office, Calcutta: 1823. Ar the period when Mr. Milburn published his " Oriental Commerce," the mercantile community of Great Britain was in a great measure ignorant of the nature and details of that trade, which the Act of the 53 Geo. III. laid open for the first time. The regulations of the Indian ports, whether under British or foreign control; the qualities of many of the productions of the East; the history, geographical as well as commercial, of the intermediate countries between India and Europe; were, comparatively speaking, scarcely, or at least but imperfectly, known. That work, the result of considerable personal experience, and the fruit of research so extensive, as to be highly creditable to a man employed in the incessant avocations of business, was therefore a most acceptable present to the commercial world. Although bulky and expensive, it experienced a ready sale, and is now out of print.* The compilation before us was intended, and is, in fact, a continuation of the commercial part of Milburn's work, so far as regards Bengal; but it has attained a size not originally contemplated by reason, it is stated, "of the many valuable and very useful documents, of such an extent and nature, that the compiler was induced to admit them as it advanced through the press." The motives which impel an author before the public, are generally not very interesting to that public, and are pleaded often to disguise vanity. But in the present instance the motive to publication is not only commendable in the author, but the public statement of it discloses deficiencies, of which all persons resorting to the port of Calcutta are not aware, but against which they ought, if possible, to be provided. The compiler felt actuated to the publication of the present work chiefly by the experienced dearth of accurate information on the subject, and urged to a diligent use of the opportunities afforded to him, of collecting materials within his reach, * We perceive that our publishers have recently advertised an abridgment of this work. It was reviewed in one of our early volumes (Vol. II, pp. 41, 156), shortly after its appearance. from having (in his official capacity) witnessed, during a long series of years, the unnecessary perplexity and trouble experienced by commanders and pursers, particularly strangers to the port, and others, transacting business relating to the entry and clearance of ships resorting to the river Hoogly, from such individuals being imperfectly acquainted with the multifarious regulations and forms prescribed; and the compiler of the followment of them, in a form peculiarly adapted ing sheets trusts that the present arrangefor ready reference, and for the guidance of those who may find themselves placed under the disadvantages already alluded to, and which it is intended to obviate, will be generally approved. He ventures to assume, also, that this publication will be found useful to all other individuals and particularly with the external comany way connected with the India trade, merce of this city.-Pref. in To analyse, in the usual manner, a work of this character, and upon a scale so extensive, is obviously impracticable, without exceeding our limits. As however the work professes to be a companion to the "Oriental Commerce," which most East-India traders must be familiar with, we may perhaps succeed in affording a correct idea of the “Guide to the Commerce of Bengal," by shewing wherein it resembles, and in what particulars it departs from, the plan of the former work. Mr. Milburn's plan comprehended all the countries and places likely to be visited by the trader on his outward and home voyages, between England and India. He took him as it were by the hand, and explained to him the particulars necessa. y to be observed at every port where he touched, the various regulations enforced there, the duties and charges levied by the Government, the commodities the country abounded with, the mode of traffic, with directions and precautions to counteract fraud or artifice. This extensive plan, especially embracing as it did, historical, financial, and commercial dissertations, connected either with particular countries or peculiar articles of merchandize, forbid the author from entering very minutely into the detail of subordinate regulations, which, however desirable to know, must, to a certain extent, be ascertained by experience. Mr. Phipps, having a smaller horizon to survey, has been enabled to direct his attention to more minute matters; and we have not the least doubt that, with his "Guide," a stranger would find himself almost at home in his intercourse with all the fiscal and municipal departments at Calcutta. We subjoin as proof the following statement of the contents of Part I.: General Instructions to Pilots for the Cruising Station; Directions to Commanders, Pursers, &c. for enter ing and clearing Ships; Prescribed Forms; Regulations respecting the Draft draught] of Water of Ships; Rates of Pilotage; Chain Moorings; Rowboats; Kedgeree Light-house Duty; Moyapore Gunpowder Magazine Duty; Channel Buoy Duty on Coasting Vessels; Port Charges to which Ships are liable; Registry of Ships; Forms used on the despatch of Ships for Great Britain, &c.; Rates of Passage Money; Table Money for Military Officers; Regulations respecting the Tonnage and Shipment of Baggage for England. BENGAL MARINE ESTABLISHMENT. Marine Board; Former Master Attendants; Master Attendant's Department; Marine Paymaster; Naval Store-keeper; Account of Pilot Vessels; Branch Pilots; General List of the Pilot Establishment, 1821; Pensioned Pilots; Notices respecting the Pilot Service; Harbour Master's Department; Marine Registry Office; Regulations; Rates of Seamen's Wages, &c. &c. Such is the composition of the first part of this work; the second relates to the shipping, and consists of par ticulars equally minute, regarding all matters which concern the subject of Indian shipping: such as the name and history of every vessel built in the various ports of India; expense of sailing; cost of building, rates of timber, &c. &c. Some data are furnished in this part very useful to those persons interested in the science of naval architecture. The finest specimen of the skill of Indian shipwrights is represented to be the Hastings, a 74-gun ship, built by Kyd and Co., and launched at the Port of Calcutta in January 1818. She is built upon Sir Robert Sepping's principle, measures 1732 tons, and cost, fitted for sea, £.108,938; namely, the hull, S.Rs. 7,18,963; masts and yards, S.Rs. 65,387; fitting for, sea, S.Rs. 87,053. This expense was defrayed by subscription among the principal merchants of Calcutta, and other public spirited individuals. The decline of ship-building in that country is the concomitant or effect of the depression of trade. The third part, entitled "Commercial Statements, &c." is equally abundant in its details; consisting of accounts of imports and exports by sea and land; price currents and lists of commodities; insurance companies; houses of agency; number of houses and inhabitants, &c. &c. The tables in this part are brought down to the 1820-21. year We cannot help remarking the decline of American trade with Bengal. The following is a statement of the aggregate value in Sicca Rupees of merchandize and treasure imported into and exported from Calcutta by America, in the following years: EXPORTS. Merchandize. 70,26,531 At the same time that the North ern portion of that Continent has American trade with British India has diminished, that with the south augmented in nearly equal proportion: |