Under the Treaty of Lausanne between Turkey and the Powers, which was signed in 1923, it was agreed that the frontier between King Feisal's State and Turkey, the important frontier because the future of Mosul was in dispute, should be settled by the League of Nations, should Great Britain and Turkey be unable to come to agreement by direct negotiation. These direct negotiations were opened at Constantinople, but no agreement was reached, so the question was opened before the Council of the League in September 1924. Whilst the matter was under discussion complaint was made by Great Britain that Turkey had violated the provisional frontier drawn in the Treaty of Lausanne, and certain irregular hostilities were carried on in the disputed zone. This matter too was remitted to the League, and a further provisional boundary was drawn, which was accepted by both parties. Here the matter remained until the autumn of 1925. In order to secure the material for a decision the League of Nations despatched a neutral commission to Mosul to investigate | the situation. This commission produced a long and involved report, but one which led by devious paths to a common sense recommendation. It was that the first essential in the Mosul vilayet is stable government. The desires of the people were for incorporation in the State of Irak. If therefore the British Government was willing to extend its mandate over Irak for a further period of twenty-five years a guarantee of stable governmentthen Mosul should be incorporated in Irak; if Britain was not willing, then Mosul should return to Turkey. When the matter came before the Council of the League Great Britain gave the necessary guarantee. The Turks thereupon challenged the whole competence of the Council to give an award under the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne. The issue was remitted to the Court of International Justice at The Hague which decided in favour of the competence of the Council. About this time there was published the report of a distinguished Esthonian General, General Laindoner, who had been despatched by the League to investigate allegations of brutality by the Turks in deporting Christians from their own zone, and this report was of the most damning character. Great Britain having given the necessary assurance, that she was prepared to extend her mandate over Irak for a further twenty-five years, thereupon the Council of the League allocated the whole of the area in dispute, right up to the temporary frontier A New Treaty.-A new Treaty regulating the relation of Iraq with Great Britain, the Mandatory Power, was negotiated in 1927, and signed towards the end of the year. The full text is not available, but a semi-official announcement on December 20th may be regarded as substantially authentic, The Treaty declares that there shall be peace and friendship between His Britannic Majesty and His Majesty the King of Iraq. It states that "Provided the present rate of progress n Iraq is maintained and all goes well in the interval. His Britannic Majesty will support the candidature of Iraq for admission to the League of Nations in 1932." It stipulates that serarate agreements superseding those of March 25, 1924, shall regulate the financial and miitary relations. The King of Iraq undertakes to secure the execution of all international obligations which His Britannic Majesty has undertaken to see carried out in respect of Iraq. He also unde takes not to modify the existing provisions f Iraq's organic law so as adversely to affect the rights and interests of foreigners, and to cons titute any difference in the rights before the law among Iraquis on the grounds of differences of race, religion, or language. There shall be full and frank consultation between the high contracting parties in all matters of foreign policy which may affect their common interests. The King of Iraq undertakes, so soon as local conditions permit, to accede to all general international agreements already existing, or which may be concluded hereafter, with the approval of the League of Nations, in respect of the slave trade, the traffic in drugs, arms and munitions, the traffic in women and children, transit navigation, aviation, and communications, and also to execute the provisions of the Covenant of the League of Nations, the Treaty of Lausanne. the Anglo-French Boundary Convention, and the San Remo Oil Agreement in so far as they apply to Iraq. There shall be no discrimination in matters concerning taxation, commerce, or navigation against nationals or companies of any State which is a member of the League of Nations, or of any State to which the King of Iraq has agreed by Treaty that the same rights should be ensured as if it were a member of the League. Any difference that may arise between the high contracting parties shall be referred to the Permanent Court of International Justice provided for by Article Fourteen of the Covenant of the League. The Treaty shall be commonly called The Brussels Line-to Irak. subjected to revision with the object of making The Turks refused to accept the award and withdrew from Geneva threatening force. Later wiser counsels and in 1926 Turkey accepted a frontier substantially as drawn by the League. A formal treaty was concluded between Great Britain and Irak extending the mandate for a further twenty-five years. The British Government express the hope that a shorter period will be sufficient to set Irak on its feet as an independent and stable State; but these hopes are not shared by any who knows the country. They are convinced that at least two generations must pass before Irak can stand alone. all the modifications required by the circumstances when Iraq enters the League of Nations. It is important to remember that there is a considerable difference between the vilayet of Basra and the other portions of King Feisal's State. Basra has for long been in the closest commercial contact with India, and is in many respects a commercial appanage of Bombay. Its people have not much in common with those of the North. They took no part in the Arab rising which followed the war, and they ask nothing better than to remain in close touch with India and through India with the British Government. If we are correct in the 242 supposition that Basra is destined to be the great port of the Middle East, then its future under an Arab State, with no experience of administration in such conditions, is one of the greatest interest, which can hardly be regarded as settled by the policy underlying the declaration which is set out above. The Persian Shore. The Persian shore presents fewer points of permanent interest. The importance of Bushire is administrative rather than commercial. It is the headquarters of Persian authority, the residence of the British Resident, and the centre of many foreign consuls. It is also the main and Yezd. It is of still more importance as s possible naval base. To the west of the town between the Island of Kishm and the mainland, lie the Clarence Straits which narrow until they are less than three miles in width, and yet contain abundance of water. Here, according to sound naval opinion, there is the possibility of creating a naval base which would command the Gulf. The great obstacle is the climate, which is one of the worst in the world. On the opposite shore, under the shadow of Cape Musandim, lies another sheltered deep-water anchorage, Elphinstone's Inlet, where the climate conditions are equally vile. But between these two points there is the possibility of controlling many years Bunder Abbas entrepot for the trade of Shiraz, and competes the Gulf just as Gibraltar controls the Medifor that of Ispahnn. But the anchorage is terranean. For wretched and dangerous, the road to Shiras loomed large in public discussions as the pospasses over the notorious kotals which preclude sible warm water port for which Russia was the idea of rail connection, and if ever a railway seeking. On the Mekran coast, there is the to the central tableland is opened, the commercial value of Bushire will dwindle to insign ficance. Further south lies Lingah, reputed to be the prettiest port on the Persian coast, but its trade is being diverted to Debal on the Pirate Coast. In the narrow channel which forms the entrance to the Gulf from the Arabian Sea is Bunder Abbas. Here we are at the key of the Gulf. Bunder Abbas is of some Importance as the outlet for the trade of Kerman cable station of Jask, and the possible port of Chahbar. Political Resident in the Persian Gulf-Lt.-Col. L. B. H. Haworth. Residency Surgeon at Bushire-Lt. Col. A. N. Dickson, M.C. Consul at Bunder Abbas and Assistant to the Resident-G. A. Richardson, O.B.E. II.-SEISTAN. The concentration of public attention on the Persian Gulf was allowed to obscure the frontier importance of Seistan. Yet it was for many years a serious preoccupation with the Govern ment of India. Seistan lies midway north and south between the point where the frontiers of Russia, Persia and Afghanistan meet at Zulfikar and that where the frontiers of Persia and of our Indian Empire meet on the open sea at Gwattur. It marches on its eastern border with Afghanistan and with Baluchistan, it commands the valley of the Helmand, and with it the road from Herat to Kandahar, and Its immense resources as a wheat-producing region have been only partly developed under Persian misrule. It offers to an aggressive rival, an admirable strategic base for future military operations; it is also midway athwart the track of the shortest line which could be built to connect the Trans-Caspian Railway with the Indian Ocean, and if and when the line from Askabad to Meshed were built, the temptation to extend it through Seistan would be strong. Whilst the gaze of the British was concentrated on the North-West Frontier, and to possible lines of advance through Kandahar to Quetta, and through Kabul to Peshawar, there can be little doubt that Russian atten tion was directed to a more leisurely movement througn Seistan, if the day came when she moved her armies against India. intrigue was particularly active in Seistan in The natural conditions which give to Seistan Whether with this purpose or not; Russian only two trains a week, |