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sentence; where they are logically secondary, but grammatically tertiary, see the same passage at c: δυνάμενον πληροῦντα χαίροντα evdaiμóvws Cĥv, "being able, because he takes pleasure in being satiated, to live happily."

494 Sometimes it is only necessary to connect the predicate contained in the participle with that contained in the finite verb, by introducing a copulative conjunction: thus, as we render ev ayov, "he came and brought" (442, (a)), we may render yʊvý TIS ὄρνιν εἶχε καθ' ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ὠόν αὐτῇ τίκτουσαν, “ a certain woman had a hen, and it laid her an egg every day."

495 But if the oblique case is connected with a preposition, it becomes necessary to express this preposition by a relative sentence or some descriptive word. Thus (above, 493) in Thucyd. 111. 57, the word "parties" is necessary to give the full force of Tepí. So also in the following cases of participles:

(α) The substantive has the article: ἀσθενὲς ὃν πρὸς ἰσχύοντας TOùs expoús (Thucyd. I. 36), "being weak, while his enemies, with whom he stands in contrast (pós), will be strong;" and aλλws τε καὶ ὑπεύθυνον τὴν παραίνεσιν ἔχοντας πρὸς ἀνεύθυνον τὴν ὑμετέ pav ȧxpóaσiv (Id. III. 43), "especially as the advice which we give is responsible, as contrasted (πpós) with the freedom from responsibility with which you listen to us," or "especially as the advice which we give is responsible, whereas you, the listeners, who stand in contrast to us (πpós), are irresponsible." Id. I. 74, § 3: άTÓ TE οἰκουμένων τῶν πόλεων καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ τὸ λοιπὸν νέμεσθαι, “ the cities from which they came (aπó) being still inhabited, and having the prospect of being so for the future."

(8) When the substantive has not the article: dédiμev μý èπì διεγνωσμένην κρίσιν καθιστώμεθα (Thucyd. III. 53), “ we fear that what we have to meet (èπí) is a prejudged decision."

(γ) When there is no substantive: μακρηγορεῖν ἐν εἰδόσιν οὐ Bovλóuevos (Thucyd. II. 36), "because I do not wish to enlarge on the subject, when my hearers (ev) are well acquainted with it;" cf. Id. III. 53: πρòs eidóтas πávтa λeλéğerai, “those, to whom the speech will have been addressed (πρós), know all about it." Plat. Resp. p. 515 Ε: εἴ τις αὐτὸν ἕλκοι βίᾳ διὰ τραχείας τῆς ἀναβά σεως καὶ ἀνάντους οὔσης, “if any one were to drag him up when

the ascent (dá), by which he has to mount, is so rugged and steep;” Id. Protag. p. 332 Ε: πράττεται δὲ τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ σωφροσύνης, τὸ δὲ ὑπὸ ἀφροσύνης; ναί. ἐναντίως; πάνυ γε. οὐκοῦν ὑπὸ ἐναντίων ὄντων; ναί. ἐναντίον ἄρα ἐστὶν ἀφροσύνη σωφροσύνης. “ The one is done by discretion, the other by folly, is it not? Yes. Contrariwise? Of course. Accordingly, the things, by which they are done (vπó), are opposites. Yes. Therefore folly is the opposite of discretion." Thucyd. 1. 69, § 2: oi yàp Spŵvтes BeẞovλEvμÉVOL πρὸς οὐ διεγνωκότας ἤδη καὶ οὐ μέλλοντες ἐπέρχονται, “ for those, who act after deliberation, advance at once and without delay, while those, whom they attack (pós), have not yet come to a decision."

Obs. This form of the tertiary predicate is particularly observable when the participle represents a local predicate (above, 442, (b)). Thus we have in Herod. v. 29: év áveσtykvíŋ ty xwpn, "in the country where it extends upwards from the coast.” The κατέβησαν ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, which follows, shows that this is the meaning intended.

496 The use of the tertiary predicate with a preposition is not limited to participles, though they are best adapted for this construction. The adjective sometimes appears in the same kind of construction. Thus Dem. in Lacrit. 930, 1. 13: èxeivov Tòv veavíσκον τὸν δανείσαντα ἐξηπάτησαν ὡς ἐπ ̓ ἐλευθέροις τοῖς χρήμασι Savellóμevoi, "they deceived that young man, who advanced the money, by the pretence that the property, on which they borrowed it (em), was free from all incumbrance."

497 Sometimes, as might be expected (above, 405, Obs. 2), the tertiary predicate approximates to the illative sentence. This prolepsis implies that the quality denoted by the adjective is conveyed to the object by the verb. As in Pind. Ol. v. 4: tàv oàv tóλW αὔξων λαοτρόφον, i. e. ὥστε λαοτρόφον εἶναι, “ increasing thy city so as to make it a nurser of population." Similarly, with a kind of figura etymologica, in Thucyd. iv. 17: Toùs Xóyovs μaкpoтépovs παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς οὐ μηκυνοῦμεν, i.e. ὥστε μακροτέρους εἶναι, “we will not spin out our speech so as to make it more prolix, contrary to our usual practice.' This idiom is found even in Latin, which has no article; as in Pers. I. 17:

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liquido cum plasmate guttur

Mobile collueris,

i.e. ut mobile fiat;

and even in the nominative, as in Juv. 1. 83:

paullatimque anima caluerunt mollia saxa,

i. e. ita ut mollia fierent.

498 The Greek idiom did not even shrink from a negative use of this prolepsis; thus we have in Soph. Antig. 856:

τὸν δ ̓ ἐμὸν πότμον ἀδάκρυτον

οὐδεὶς φίλων στενάζει,

i. e. άσтe où daκρúοvσi avтóv, “no friend bewail my fate, so that it remains unwept."



§ I. General Principles.

499 WE have thus far discussed at length all that concerns the elements of the simple proposition. It remains that we should examine the doctrine of co-ordinate and subordinate sentences. In passing to this part of our subject, we have to remember that the secondary predication, even when expressed by a single word, and that too a mere particle, may be equivalent to a conditional proposition (above, 436), and as this is really a relative sentence, which under other circumstances might be expressed by a mere epithet (above, 393, (b)), we must see that the due consideration of the hypothetical proposition connects itself immediately with certain elements in the analysis, to which the simple sentence has been submitted, and that, as far as the conditional clause is adverbial or relative, it deserves to be treated by itself, and as a sort of transition to the doctrine of those sentences which have an external appearance of greater distinctness and independence. It has been already remarked (above, 384), that there are two kinds of hypothetical propositions, and that they always contain two sentences. In the conditional hypothetical, these sentences are connected as antecedent and relative. In the disjunctive hypothetical, both sentences are relative. The one kind, therefore, may be referred to the doctrine of adverbial or dependent sentences: the other will fall under the class of co-ordinate sentences. In accordance with the principles, which we have now stated, we confine ourselves at present to the adverbial forms of the hypothetical propositions.

§ II. Conditional Propositions.

500 In the conditional hypothetical, the conditional or relative sentence is called the protasis (póraois), while the sentence which

follows is called the apodosis (amódoσis). It thus appears, that what is logically consequent, is grammatically antecedent.

501 The protasis of a conditional proposition is most generally and regularly expressed by the relative particle ei, and when it is thought necessary to express an antecedent to this relative, the particle av, or in epic Greek név, appears in the apodosis. These particles are shortened forms of the antithetic prepositions avá and Kaтá (above, 481, Obs.).

502 There are four classes of conditional propositions, which imply respectively

I. Possibility, without the expression of uncertainty: e T exel, dídwor=“if he has anything, he gives it"=si quid habet, dat.

II. Uncertainty, with some small amount of probability: ¿áv Tɩ ex?, dwσeɩ="if he shall have anything (which is not improbable), he will give it" si quid habeat, dabit.


III. Mere assumption, without any subordinate idea: el T exoi, didoín åv="if he were to have anything (i. e. as often as he had anything), he would give it"=si quid habeat, det. IV. Impossibility, i.e. when we wish to indicate that the thing is not so:

(α) εἴ τι εἶχεν, ἐδίδου ἄν = “ if (which is not the case) he had anything, he would give it"= si quid haberet, daret.

(β) εἴ τι ἔσχεν, ἔδωκεν ἄν = “ if (which was not the case) he had had anything, he would have given it"= si quid habuisset, dedisset.

These four classes will be best illustrated by the following examples:

(a) The first class includes all conditional propositions, in which the apodosis is expressed by the indicative without av, or by the imperative, and it will be found in all cases that there is a mere expression of possibility, that, in fact, the protasis and apodosis are merely correlative sentences, in which the fact assumed and its consequence are placed on precisely the same footing. Thus we have (aa) The present or perfect in the protasis. Xen. Mem. II. 1, § 28: εἰ τοὺς θεοὺς ἵλεως εἶναί σοι βούλει, θεραπευτέον [ἐστὶ] τοὺς

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