66 568 In colloquial Greek the combination μèv ovv obtained a sort of ironical significance, equivalent to our "O yes" or "no doubt" (Arist. Ran. 241), especially with ou prefixed (Id. Ibid. 556). 569 The distributive sentence becomes emphatically copulative when οὐ μόνον or οὐχ ὅτι are opposed to ἀλλά, with or without καί. Thus, ὁ Σωκράτης οὐ μόνον σοφὸς ἦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀγαθός is equivalent to ὁ Σ. σοφός τε ἦν καὶ ἀγαθός. 570 When for οὐ μόνον we have οὐχ ὅτι οι μὴ ὅτι, there is an ellipse of Xéyw or some such word in the one case, and of Xéye in the other. But the effect is the same. So also, when the second clause contains a negation, as in Dem. c. Tim. 702, 2: ovx ὅτι τῶν ὄντων ἀπεστερήμην ἄν, ἀλλ ̓ οὐδ ̓ ἂν ἔζην, “I do not only say that I should have been deprived of my property, but I should not even have been alive.” So in οὐχ ὅσον and οὐχ οἷον. 571 If however we have oux ows in the former clause, it means "not only not;" Dem. c. Polycl. 1225, 12: ǹ dè yî oʊx ὅπως τινὰ καρπὸν ἤνεγκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐπέλιπεν, “ not only did the earth bear no fruit, but even the water failed." We have really the same idiom in Soph. Εl. 786: πεπαύμεθ ̓ ἡμεῖς, οὐχ опws σε πаúσоμev, "so far from being able to put you down, we are put down ourselves." 572 Sometimes the same opposition may be effected by μý tí γε δή: as in Dem. Ol. II. 24, 21: οὐκ ἔνι δ ̓ αὐτὸν ἀργοῦντα οὐδὲ τοῖς φίλοις ἐπιτάττειν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τι ποιεῖν, μή τι γε δὴ τοῖς θεοῖς, "when a man is idle, not only can he not call upon the gods to help him, but he cannot even apply to his friends" (i. e. much less to the gods). SV. Temporal Sentences. 573 The temporal sentence is, strictly speaking, a periphrasis for the temporal adverb. Thus, "he came late" is equivalent to "he came when it was too late:" and so of other explanatory additions to the time indicated by the verb. It has been mentioned, that all indeterminate tenses presume such an addition (422). Besides the adverb, the cases of an inflected noun may be used to express a point or duration of time (456, (bb)); and the infinitive, with the article and a preposition, may of course serve the same purpose. Thus it is that it matters little whether we say, ἐν τῷ ἐλθεῖν αὐτό, οι ὅτε ἦλθε, παρεγενόμην. 574 The most common forms, however, of the temporal sentence, are those which are expressed by the participle, or by means of some relative particle. 575 Almost all those cases, in which the participle can appear as a secondary predicate in the nominative case, are instances of the temporal sentence. 576 (α) The following express contemporary acts: γελών εἶπε, “he laughed and said” or “ when he said he laughed;” ταῦτα λέγων ἐδάκρυε, “ when he said these things he wept.” The same may be remarked of participles used absolutely (454, (dd)), as ἐμοῦ καθεύδοντος, me dormiente, “ while I was sleeping." 66 66 The expression of the contemporary act sometimes appears to be equivalent to the hypothetical sentence ; thus in Soph. Αj. 635: κρείσσων "Αιδα κεύθων ὁ νοσῶν μάταν, “ he who is mad is better when or if he is buried in the grave.” Pind. Οl. IX. 103: ἄνευθε θεοῦ σεσιγαμένον οὐ σκαιότερον χρῆμ ̓ ἕκαστον, “ everything done without the sanction of God is better when it is passed over in silence.” Nem. v. 16: οὔ τοι ἅπασα κερδίων φαίνοισα πρόσωπον ἀλάθει ̓ ἀτρεκής, “ strict truth is not always the better when it shows its face.” Arist. Vesp. 27: δεινόν γε τοὔστ ̓ ἄνθρωπος ἀποβαλὼν ὅπλα, “ assuredly a man is a strange object, when he has thrown away his arms." Ibid. 47: ούκουν ἐκεῖν ̓ ἀλλόκοτον, ὁ Θέωρος κόλαξ γενόμενος ; “was not that a strange thing, when Theorus became a flatterer ?" Sometimes the particles ἅμα, αὐτίκα, εὐθύς, μεταξύ, are added to the participle, as in Herod. IX. 57: ἅμα καταλαβόντες προσεκατό σφι. Id. II. 158: μεταξὺ ὀρύσσων ἐπαύσατο. Plat. Resp. 521 D: τόδε δ ̓ ἐννοῶ λέγων ἅμα. Id. Phad. 60 Β: ἔτριψε τῇ χειρί, καὶ τρίβων ἅμα, Ὡς ἄτοπον, ἔφη, κ. τ. λ. 577 (3) The following express subsequent actions: ταῦτα ποιήσας, ἀπέβη; or in the absolute case, ἀποθανόντος Δαρείου, ἡ βασιλεία ἀνεχώρησεν ἐς τὸν παῖδα τὸν ἐκείνου Ξέρξην. Occa sionally this secondary predication of an antecedent action is so connected with the main verb as to make, in fact, but one periphrastic tense; especially in the use of exw with the aorist participle: thus, árpáσas exei тòv ävôpa, which is literally "having dishonoured the man, he keeps him so" (i. e. dishonoured), is equivalent to "he keeps dishonouring" or "continually dishonours." Some verbs, such as μéλw, "I am minded;" éxw, "I am willing;" Bouλopa, "I desire;" make a sort of periphrastic future with the infinitive mood. 578 There are certain verbs which are always used with the participle of the verb, to the action of which they communicate, in fact, only an accessary value. Such are λανθάνω, τυγχάνω, χαίρω, φθάνω and οἴχομαι. Thus, (α) λανθάνω ταῦτα ποιῶν, "when I do these things I escape the notice of (1) myself (i. e. I do so unconsciously); or (2) others (i. e. I do so secretly)." (b) ětvxov ἔτυχον πаρóντes, “when they arrived there, they just hit the mark," i.e. they were there just at the time. (c) xaípovσiv ètaivoûvtes, "when they praise they are glad," i. e. they praise gladly. (d) epoŋv apiкkóμevos, "when I arrived, I was before them,' i. e. I arrived first. (ε) οἴχεται πεσών, “when he has fallen, he is gone," i. e. he has fallen away. So that the main verb may always be rendered by an adverb. 579 Relative particles give a precise expression to every sort of temporal sentence. The antecedent is sometimes expressed, and sometimes contained in the tense of the verb. The following are examples of the use of these particles : (a) Contemporary acts (eodem tempore) are expressed by őre, ἡνίκα, “ when,” antec. τότε, τηνίκα ; ἦμος, ἕως, “while, as long as,” antec. τῆμος, τέως. ὁ ἑταῖρος ἐπεγένετο (sc. τότε), ὅτε σὺ ἔγραφες. τῆμος θυραῖος ἦλθον ὡς ὑμᾶς λάθρα (Soph. Trachin. 531, 533). We have ews in both uses (below, 582) in Lysias, Frag. Orat. XXXIII: οὐδ ̓ ἀναμεῖναι, ἕως ἂν ἐπ ̓ αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς αἱ δυνάμεις άμφοτέρων ἔλθωσιν, ἀλλ ̓ ἕως ἔτι ἔξεστι τὴν τούτων ὕβριν κωλύσαι. 580 (6) Repeated acts (toties, quoties), ὁπότε, ὅτε, ὡς, ὅπως, generally without any antecedent: of present and future acts, with av and the subjunctive; of past acts, with the optative alone (Art. 514). (a) or τότε δή, ὅταν ἃ χρὴ ποιῇς, εὐτυχεῖς, ὅταν ἃ χρὴ ποιήσῃς, εὐτυχήσεις. πλοῦν ἡμὶν εἴκῃ, τηνικαῦθ ̓ ὁρμώμεθα (Soph. Phil. 463). ἐκ γὰρ Ὀρέσταο τίσις ἔσσεται ̓Ατρείδαο (β) ὑπερῷόν τι ἦν τῆς ἡμετέρας οἰκίας ὃ εἶχε Φιλόνεως, ὁπότ ̓ ἐν ἄστει διατρίβοι (Altiph. p. 113, 3). There are some instances in which the optative in the protasis follows a relative particle combined with av. Thus in the transition to an oblique oration we have Dem. I. adv. Onet. 865, 23: οὐκ ἔσθ' ὅστις οὐχ ἡγεῖτο τῶν εἰδότων δίκην με λήψεσθαι παρ' αὐτῶν, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστ' ἀνὴρ εἶναι δοκιμασθείην, because the included sentence is δίκην λήψομαι, ἐπειδὰν δοκιμασθώ. And so in other passages, as Xen. Cyrop. 1. 3, § 11; Thucyd. VIII. 54. 581 (c) Subsequent acts (postquam), ἐπεί, ἐπειδή, ἐξ ὧν, ἀφ ̓ οὗ. ἐπεὶ δὲ φέγγος ἡλίου κατέφθιτο (Æsch. Pers. 377). ξύνειμ, ἀφ ̓ οὗπερ παῖς ἐμὸς στείλας στρατὸν 582 (d) Continued action (usque dum), ews, ews où, eis ő, ὡς, ἔστε, μέχρις or ἄχρις οὗ, &c. If the act is past and certain, we put the indicative in the adverbial sentence; as τοιοῖσδε πάσας εὐφρόνας ὀνείρασι ξυνειχόμην δύστηνος, ἔς τε δὴ πατρὶ ἔτλην γεγωνεῖν νυκτίφοιτ ̓ ὀνείρατα (Æsch. Prom. 655). As in the final sentence (614), the indicative is used with ἕως, when the object is represented as dependent on a condition unfulfilled or incapable of fulfilment; thus Plat. Gorg. 506 Β: ἡδέως μὲν ἂν Καλλικλεῖ τούτῳ ἔτι διελεγόμην, ἕως αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ ̓Αμφίονος ἀπέδωκα ῥῆσιν ἀντὶ τῆς τοῦ Ζήθου, “I should gladly if I were able, which is not the case) continue to converse with Callicles, until I should have paid him back the speech of Amphion in return for that of Zethus.” Cratylus, p. 396 c: εἰ ἐμεμνήμην τὴν Ἡσιό δου γενεαλογίαν οὐκ ἂν ἐπαυόμην διεξιών, ἕως ἀπεπειράθην τῆς σοφίας ταυτησί, " if I had remembered which I did not), I would not cease, until I should have made trial1." But if the act is future and probable, we use the subjunctive with av; as ἐγὼ δὲ τὴν παροῦσαν ἀντλήσω τύχην If the sentence is virtually oblique, the subjunctive is changed into the optative, and the ἂν retained, as in Soph. Trach. 687: και μοι τάδ ̓ ἦν πρόῤῥητα, ἐν μυχοῖς σώζειν ἐμέ, ἕως ἂν ἀρτίχριστον ἁρμόσαιμί που. 583 (e) Previous acts (priusquam), πρὶν ἤ. The particle πρίν, which is a locative form of πρό, belongs properly to the first member of the comparison, and ought to be followed by some relative, such as ἤ = quam, or, more fully, ἡ ὅτε = quam quum. But, in accordance with Greek brachylogy, the adverbial relative is generally omitted, so that πρίν, which is properly an antecedent, is used as a relatives. The student will observe, therefore, that πρίν and πρὶν ἢ ὅτε are considered as identical. In the adverbial sentence after πpiv we may use either the indicative, subjunctive, optative, or infinitive. (α) The indicative; of acts certain and past, when πρίν = "until." Positively: ἠγόμην δ ̓ ἀνὴρ ἀστῶν μέγιστος τῶν ἐκεῖ πρίν μοι τύχη 1 See G. J. Kennedy, Remarks on Mitchell's Aristophanes, p. 12. * This catachresis has gone so far, that #ply frequently appears with an antecedent πρότερον, e. g. Thucyd. I. 65 ; Plat. Resp. p. 402 B. And in Thucyd. IV. 79, we have φθάσας διέδραμε πρίν τινα κωλύειν. |