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the promise of liberal pay; but as soon as they had subdued all the neighbouring tribes for him, he broke faith with them. Upon this they listened to a proposal from the Spartans to join them in an attack against the Persians in Asia Minor; and, having persuaded Xenophon to accompany them, they marched through Troas to Pergamus, celebrated for its library, and for the invention of parchment, the name of which is derived from that of the city. Xenophon was here induced to make an expedition against the house of a wealthy Persian, whom he captured with all his possessions. The remnant of the Ten Thousand was now merged into the Spartan army, and with the return home of Xenophon, after having shared their perils for two years, the 'Anabasis' concludes.
Next in general interest are his 'Memorabilia,' or 'Notes from the Conversations of Socrates.' He describes the philosopher as a big man, with prominent eyes, flat nose, thick lips, and a forehead indicating great mental power. He also represents him as thoroughly believing that he was influenced by the gods in all his actions, and entirely devoting himself to what he held to be his spiritual calling, notwithstanding that he was twice married, and that one of his wives, Xantippe, was a shrew. His habit was to frequent the gymnasia, the markets, and other places of public resort, in order to impart his views to his fellow-citizens by conversations. His main object was to show them that they did not know so much as they imagined they did; and although his manner was always deferential and considerate, his irony and unsparing arguments often gave offence. He especially loved the society of intelligent youths, over whom he exercised a great fascination; and, having chiefly through them disseminated his system of philosophy, he was at last indicted for not believing in the gods that the city believed in, and for corrupting the youth. Upon these charges he was publicly tried by a jury of 557 citizens, and sentenced to die by poison. Xenophon records the substance of his defence, and of his final interviews with his friends, in answer to one of whom he said, 'You may do what you like with my body, provided you do not imagine it to be me.'
His chief aim, however, is to clear his master's memory from the allegations against him, by simply narrating the leading ideas of his conversations, rather than by attempting to recall his actual words, or the intellectual figures in which his teachings were conveyed. He commences by telling us that the philosopher made a point of conforming to the religious ceremonies of his country, and that he disapproved of speculations concerning the origin of the universe, considering that 'the proper study of mankind was man.' With regard to prayer he refrained from asking for definite things, not knowing whether they would be good for him; and he believed that sacrifices were acceptable if performed according to a man's ability. He once asked a young man who affected to despise religious observances, if he thought the human body, so wonderfully constructed, and our natural instincts, could be the work of chance; and whether the gift of reason, and the analogy of the mind directing the body, did not prove the existence of a divine providence. On another occasion, when taunted with his scanty clothing and spare diet, because he would not accept payment from his pupils, he replied that he enjoyed independence, with the consciousness of growing better himself and helping to improve others, as much as some did luxuries; and that it was equally wrong to sell wisdom for money as personal beauty. Several of the conversations related are entirely devoid of cleverness or wit, and are suspected to be Xenophon's own conceptions; whilst others are on political or military topics of no special interest. Some of the theories also attributed by him to Socrates seem rather intended to awaken inquiry than to establish results. An imaginary dialogue at a banquet includes a graphic description of an Athenian supper party, with the philosopher's opinions on various subjects; and Xenophon closes his notes with a conversation on household economy, into which the sage is introduced only as a mouthpiece for his own observations; not, however, without having imparted to us a clear, although inadequate, sketch of the wonderful intellect which originated all that was most valuable in ancient philosophy.
Xenophon's other large work was his 'Cyropædeia,' or
the Education of Cyrus the Great, who founded the Persian Empire; but this is more a romance than a history. The facts differ considerably from those given by Herodotus, and he actually attributes to his Persian hero rites and practices which were unquestionably Grecian. He tells us that in Persia only those who were above the necessity of manual labour were educated, and that there were classes, under the control of presidents, for boys, youths, men, and elders. The boys' time was chiefly occupied in trying offences arising amongst themselves, that they might learn justice, and in shooting with the bow, and throwing the javelin, their diet consisting of bread and cresses. The youths were taught patrol-duty and hunting, as a training for war, and to refrain from spitting or blowing their noses. Thus was Cyrus educated, and, being obliged to give a reason for whatever he did, and also very eager for knowledge, he acquired a habit of loquacity and readiness in answering. He also became a bold rider, and at the age of fifteen took part in a raid against the Assyrians. Soon afterwards he was appointed to a command in the army, and Xenophon introduces several entertaining episodes concerning him, especially one in which he relates the tragic end of Abradates and Panthea. The taking of Babylon is next described, aud then the measures of Cyrus for consolidating his rule over the conquered nations, and his maxims of government. His first care was the choice of faithful attendants, whom he selected from the most despised class, preferring those who had the fewest family ties. In arranging his state affairs, he kept every department under his superintendence by communicating with a few persons only, and thus secured leisure for moulding the characters of the upper ranks of society. He trained his courtiers for war by inuring them to hardy habits and long fasts, himself setting the example, and thus evincing the courage of his opinion, that no man has any right to govern who is not himself better than those whom he governs.' His policy with his dependencies was to conciliate the nobles, in order to secure their friendship, and to divide his empire into satrapies. Having revisited his home, and obtained the throne of Media as a dowry with his wife, he was now the
most powerful monarch in the world. At last, when advanced in years, he was warned in a vision of his approaching end, and having assembled his sons and his chief men, he told them to think of him when he was gone as one who had lived a happy life. Having divided his kingdom between his sons, he discoursed on the immortality of the soul, asserting his belief that when separated from the body it becomes more pure and bright, just as in sleep it seems to gain the power of seeing into futurity. Finally, he said, remember this," By doing good to your friends you will gain the power of punishing your enemies.'
All Xenophon's other works have been preserved, and they contain much general information concerning the manners and customs of the Greeks during the latter part of the fifth, and the first half of the fourth century B.C. the Hellenica' he attempts a contemporary history of his country, which has been rather severely criticised; and his 'Life of Agesilaus,' King of Sparta, is considered deficient in talent for personal description. In his essay on 'Hiero,' the King of Syracuse, he draws a gloomy picture of the life of a tyrant, or absolute monarch, who, he says, can never be sure of the affection of his subjects; for he fears lest men of courage should make a bold attempt for liberty, or that men of abilities may be conspirators, and men of virtue, lest the multitude should desire to be governed by them. From his paper on 'The Revenues of Athens,' it would appear that the number of free citizens in his day did not exceed 20,000; and he was, therefore, anxious to encourage foreign settlers for the sake of taxing them. He also proposed a plan for working the celebrated silver mines at Larion, from which the state should derive advan tage. In a treatise on 'Housekeeping,' his first point is that the wife must take part in the household work, and, renouncing painting and rouging, occupy herself in looking after her slaves. Respecting farming, he maintains that it is easy to learn, and only needs care and diligence to make it successful. In his work on 'Horses,' amongst other very precise directions, he recommends that the stable-yard should be paved with round stones to harden the horses'
feet, and that the growth of the mane should be encouraged to assist in mounting, neither shoes nor stirrups having then been invented. In his manual on 'Cavalry,' he gives no very exact ideas on their action in the battle-field, but suggests that they should imitate beasts and birds of prey by attacking whatever is left unguarded, and strongly enjoins temperance, the endurance of fatigue, and manly energy. His work on 'Hunting' embodies his own experience in his favourite recreation, and contains many useful hints for sportsmen of the present day. His description of a run with the harriers is full of life, even to the cries, and the modulations of voice in managing the dogs; and he seems to have been equally fond of a boar-hunt. He also tells how other beasts of prey, such as lions and bears, were pursued and caught; and, in conclusion, moralises on the value of toilsome pursuits in general, and of that of virtue in particular, which leads him on to a rhetorical harangue against the sophists, whom he denounces as 'the hunters for rich young men,' as well as against political placehunters.
Neither the purity of style, nor the elegance of diction, of which his works are the most perfect specimens in the Greek language, can be gathered from any translations of them; but it is because of their value in these respects, as much as for the general information they contain, that they have always been held in such high esteem amongst the ancient Classics.