party was the result, and its advocates conciliated the rich by striving to save them from a heavy property tax; besides which the citizens preferred ease and comfort to foreign service; and, moreover, any danger from Macedon was entirely unforeseen.

The inhabitants of that country had always been looked upon by the Greeks as barbarians, until their king Archelaus in the fourth century B.C. made efforts to civilise them, and to bring them in connection with Greek culture. Internal dissensions, however, checked their progress, and when Philip began his reign, fifty years later, he was encompassed by enemies, amongst whom were the Athenians. But having released some of them whom he had taken prisoners, he concluded peace, and waived all claims to Amphipolis, a city which, had she secured it, would have enabled Athens to maintain her supremacy in the Ægean Sea. Philip then successfully attacked his hostile neighbours; and, finding that the Athenians delayed to become masters of Amphipolis, he took it under his protection, and also formed an alliance with the adjacent city of Olynthus. He next openly seized the city of Potidea, whilst Pydna, another possession of the Athenians, fell into his hands through treachery. Thus, in a single year, he gained three most valuable positions on the coast, with access to a gold region near them, where he founded the city of Philippi; and, gradually strengthening his army and his resources, he became a distinct menace to Greece generally.

Demosthenes was born about the time of Sparta's supremacy, and was therefore in his early manhood when Philip's power began to alarm his countrymen. His father was an Athenian belonging to the wealthy middle class; but he died when Demosthenes was seven years old, and, his inheritance having been mismanaged by his guardians, his son began life a poor man. He had, however, received a good education, and, in spite of a feeble constitution, possessed great energy and perseverance. Having placed

himself under the instruction of an advocate, he practised speaking with pebbles in his mouth to cure himself of stammering, strengthened his lungs and voice by reciting as he ran up hill, and declaimed on the sea-shore amid the

noise of waves and storms. Success came to him early in life, and before he attained the age of thirty he had secured a large practice in the courts. He also almost necessarily became a politician, from the close connection which existed at Athens between law and politics.

His first political effort was for the son of Chabrias, who had inherited from his father immunity from any of the contributions to the State exacted by law from the richer classes of Athens, a recent enactment having abolished all such exemptions, with the professed motives of getting rid of invidious privileges, of distributing the public burdens equitably, and of providing for the celebration of the games and festivals with becoming splendour.

The arguments he used against this new law were that it was better for a few undeserving persons to enjoy such privileges, than that gifts which the State had bestowed should be withdrawn, and the national faith be broken; that a slur would be cast upon democratic government; that it was of supreme importance that Athens, as the noblest representative of Greece, should value above all things a character for justice, generosity, and public spirit; that all human legislation must take possibilities and contingencies into account; and that the law was an offence to Nemesis, which ever waits on arrogance and presumption. He reminded his hearers of an occasion when they had contributed to discharge a debt due to the Lacedæmonians who had injured them; and would it not be shameful, now that they had it in their power to do justice to benefactors, if they preferred to break their word? Such an envious, grudging spirit was most alien to Athenian feeling. Did they envy funeral orations, or rewards to those who win in gymnastic contests, because but few are born to partake of them? and had the State ever been surpassed in requiting services? In conclusion, he said, our language and laws should be such as not to shock religious sentiment. The future is uncertain to all men, and small occasions are productive of great events.

His earliest discourse in the public Assembly was in opposition to Athens declaring war against Persia. I hold the king, he said, to be the common enemy of all Greeks;

but some have more confidence in him than in their own people. If there were plain proof that he was about to attack us, all would probably join in an alliance against him. Let us, then, wait till the danger is imminent, and the money will be forthcoming, but not before. Do not be over-alarmed, or induced to commence the war. Do not expose the condition of Greece by convoking the people when you cannot persuade them. Prepare against existing enemies, and you ought then to be able to resist all others but never begin a wrong in word or deed. Let us look that our actions be worthy of our ancestors.

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In the following year he spoke against a proposal of Sparta to deprive Thebes of some of her territory, on the plea of a general restoration to the different States of their ancient rights. The Lacedæmonians, he argued, were acting a crafty part; they say they cannot retain their gratitude for your help in time of urgent need, unless you now allow them to commit an injustice. It is, however, more honourable for us to resist their ambition, for I see they have undertaken the war, not for defence, but to recover their former power. But the Athenians would not interfere, in consequence of which Thebes subsequently applied for aid to Philip, and thus Macedonian influence was brought to bear upon the affairs of Greece.

Within four years Philip was master of Thessaly, and had threatened Thermopyla. He next besieged Heræum, a town contiguous to the Thracian Chersonese, which was garrisoned by an Athenian force. This was a direct menace to their corn trade; but on hearing that Philip was ill, the Athenians resumed their easy life, and flattered themselves that the crisis was past. When they knew, however, that he had recovered, complaints were made in the Assembly of the inefficiency of their guards and troops, and Demosthenes delivered his first Philippic. Its substance was that they were in a very bad plight, but that there was hope because they had not really exerted themselves. The fact that Philip was formidable was entirely due to their supineness, which, for the sake of Greece, and for the glory of Athens, they must resolutely shake off. Your war with Philip, he adds, is like the boxing of barbarians; the party first struck

is always feeling for the blow; strike him anywhere else, there go his hands again; ward, or look you in the face, he cannot and will not. He also tells them that the greatest fools are the newsmongers, who gossip of Philip's intentions as if he would let them be known. Let us have done, he says, with idle conjectures, and remember only that Philip is an enemy who has long insulted us, and that the future depends upon ourselves. But the credulity and apathy of the Athenians prevailed, and his appeal to their patriotism was in vain.

His next celebrated oration was on the freedom of the people of Rhodes, who had thrown off their connection with Athens, but were now anxious to renew it. On this occasion he spoke in favour of democracy, telling the Athenians it was better that all the Greeks should be their enemies with a popular government, than their friends under an oligarchy; and that they who subvert constitutions must be looked upon as the common enemies of all lovers of freedom. They, he adds, who desert the politics handed down to them by their ancestors should be disqualified from being advisers. Again, however, he failed, and Rhodes remained in the hands of an oligarchy.

Philip having now alarmed the Olynthians by attacking one of the cities of Chalcidice under their protection, they applied to Athens for assistance, and Demosthenes made three celebrated speeches, known as the 'Olynthiacs,' in favour of the alliance. He first sought to encourage his countrymen by dwelling on the elements of weakness in Philip's kingdom, and his immoral life; but he warned. them that if they let Olynthus fall into his hands, he would soon carry the war into Attica itself. The last of his orations on this subject is considered one of the most splendid harangues ever spoken. He endeavoured to disabuse the minds of the Athenians of the notion that they could punish Philip when they chose, and bade them look well that they were not the sufferers. He urged them to repeal the laws relating to public entertainments, reminding them of the glorious deeds of their forefathers, who won a renown which envy could not hurt, not merely in fighting, but also in beautifying their city so artistically that posterity

has not the power to surpass them; whilst in private they were so modest that the most illustrious had no grander houses than those of their neighbours. Their politics were not for money-making; each felt it his duty to exalt the commonwealth. But look, he said, at the men of whose statesmanship the present state of affairs is the fruit. They have risen from beggary to opulence; some have made their houses more splendid than the public buildings; and as the State has declined, their fortunes have been exalted.

At last Athens was roused to send a force of native citizens to the relief of her ally, and Philip was deprived of an eye by an Olynthian arrow; but the city was won by bribery and razed to the ground.

A rich man at Athens had many opportunities of injuring and oppressing those whom he disliked, and Demosthenes had provoked the enmity of one named Meidias, who, because he was thwarted in an attempt to set aside the legal proceedings taken by Demosthenes against his guardians, persecuted him in every possible way, and at length publicly assaulted him, for which he was indicted. There is some doubt whether the case was brought to trial, but we have the speech prepared by Demosthenes for the occasion. It is full of invective, but gives a glimpse of the abuses of wealth even in a democratic community.

Meidias, he says, got himself elected a cavalry officer, and yet could hardly ride through the market-place. He built a house in the suburbs so large that it darkened all the others near it. Will you, he asks, let him escape because he is rich; to allow an audacious fellow like him to have wealth at his command is to put arms in his hands against yourselves. I take it you know his offensive and overbearing behaviour; but many will not tell all they have suffered, dreading his litigiousness, for when a rogue and a bully is supported by the power of his money, it is a wall of defence against any attack. His body-guards are mercenaries, and he has a band of witnesses at his command, who will affirm and lie with perfect ease. All this is a danger to any of you; but, collectively, you may be more than a match for him, and put a stop to his insolence. I know he will bring his children into court, and will talk humbly, and shed tears.