POLITICAL DICTATION.

I NEVER took any great part in the political transactions of the borough of which I have been for many years an inhabitant and an elector; to say truth, I found I had plenty of occupation in my own business, and therefore left it to those who had a greater turn for oratory, and a smaller share of work than myself, to make speeches, and discuss matters of which, as it struck me, they did not know a great deal, and which concerned them infinitely less than they fancied.

I had heard from Graves the carpenter, that the abolition of the duty upon leather would not make the difference of threepence in a pair of shoes-that doing away with the pension-list would not lower our taxes more than at the rate of about sixpence a-head, one with another-and that the taking off of the whole malt-tax, which must drive Ministers to try some other mode of raising the supplies, would not reduce the price of beer a halfpenny in the pot. These things induced me to believe that my neighbours, who busied themselves night after night at the Green Dragon in talking and drinking for the good of the nation, were sadly misspending their time, and needlessly wasting their substance. However I was laughed at, and called a dull silly ass, contented to bear the burden, and chew the thistle, and make no exertion to be what they called free; which, considering I always did exactly what I liked, went where I pleased, returned when I chose, worked when it was agreeable, and was idle when it suited me, I did not exactly understand. However, they prevailed; and, without exactly knowing what they wanted, they carried their point, and the Reform Bill was passed, which, they told me, besides all other advantages, and they were innumerable, gave them the power of questioning the candidates who came before them for their choice, of exacting pledges for their conduct if elected, and of giving them directions how to vote, if they returned them as their representatives. I had read enough to comprehend-and as I thought justly-that, although a man may be sent to Parliament by any particular constituency, he is not their representative alone, but the representative of all the commons of England, which makes, as I learned, all the difference between a representative and a delegate-a delegate goes from any separate body into a large assembly for the purpose of urging some particular topic, or carrying some particular point; a delegate, therefore, is chosen on account of his knowledge of the facts and circumstances relating to the single matter which he is to argue, and has no more choice of the course he is to take, except in details, (as most likely in his judgment to advance the interest of those who send him,) than a retained barrister has as to the defence of his client if accused, or the advocacy of his cause if he be the accuser.

The representative, on the contrary, is a man in whom you so completely confide, that not being able in your own persons all to sit in Parliament, you send him there to act for the best, relying upon his judgment, his knowledge, and experience, to do what is just and right, leaving him most assuredly liable, when he next presents himself to your notice, and to the reward of re-election or the reproach of refusal; but that refusal, as I always considered it, was to be grounded upon a general failure, or a direct opposition to the political views of those who first re

turned him, or upon some public misconduct which had alienated the esteem and reliance of his former supporters.

The doctrine, however, fell to the ground the moment my neighbours obtained the elective franchise-a blessing of which I had heard them speak in terms of anticipatory delight for many years, and which they valued so highly that when it was conceded to them, more than twothirds of the most zealous criers-out for the suffrage, neglected, or rather determined not to register themselves, because it was to cost them a shilling each. The "Friends of Freedom," however, the Club to which I most particularly refer, every man of them, paid up, and was registered a voter, and never did I see electors more resolute to stand upon their rights.

The gentleman to whom, unfortunately for his peace and comfort, they had devoted themselves, and who was proposed and seconded by men of their own principles, underwent a sort of political catechism on the hustings, which I wondered he endured; however, I believe, having lost all his property by gambling, and being over head and ears in debt, he was anxious to get a seat at any rate; and therefore, with the fear of imprisonment before his eyes, and a perfect consciousness of having deserved it, in his mind, he agreed to do everything his constituents desired: he declared that he would vote for slave emancipation-for the abolition of the malt-tax, and the window-tax, and the house-tax, and the duties upon wine, and the duties upon tea, and the duties upon hops, and for the reduction of the army and navy, the abolition of bishoprics, the dispersion of deans and chapters-for the repeal of the union with Ireland, for the reception of a Nuncio from the Pope, for the annihilation of the House of Lords, for the trades' unions, the political unions, the entire destruction of the pension-list, and the abolition of tithes and poor-rates-in short, he went the whole length of declaring it as his opinion that there should in future be no debt, no taxes, no lords, no bishops, "no nothing."

It was quite natural that a man having himself nothing to depend upon should come forward on the independent interest. Equally just did it appear that an individual, who, if he had not by the agreeableness of his manners and the goodness of his person, soothed the thinking part of the world into receiving him after all his vices and follies had become notorious, should adopt the character of a patriot, the protector and preserver of our rights and liberties, and the vindicator of the poor against the oppressions of the rich. Notwithstanding that nine of his tradesmen had writs out against him for keeping them out of their money for years, which writs were only warded off by the kindness of the high sheriff, who, with a purity and independence corresponding with that of his hopeful friend the candidate, gave strict orders that nobody should be permitted on the hustings who was not previously known to his officers-he, the said patriotic sheriff, having given peremptory orders to his own officers not to execute any writ against the popular candidate until after the day of nomination; after which day, it is perhaps needless to add, that the said hopeful candidate did not show his good-looking, impudent countenance in the town.

Absent or present a patriot is a patriot, and Mr. Sittingbourn, the friend of the people, was elected; the Green Dragon Club procured plenty of assistance in his behalf, and many were the heads which were broken during the affray. I never saw such a sight: however, the purity and

freedom of election of which I had heard, were now to be exhibited to such as were still sceptical of their merits and advantages; and I must say, what with the returning officer on the hustings, and the popular candidate in the neighbourhood, I never saw a more gratifying illustration of a favourite doctrine. In one instance I saw a free and independent elector thrust his umbrella down the throat of a time-serving parson and a pension-loving Tory, and open it when it was half way down; but it was for the good of the country, and I must say I enjoyed it at the time.

Well, Sir, we elected Mr. Sittingbourn; and the moment the return was signed, out he came, the most perfect dandy I ever saw; a smart hat on one side, jetty black ringlets, sharp-cut features, and good eyes, a coloured silk handkerchief round his neck, and a carnation in his button-hole completed his attractions. To hear him talk, you would have fancied him as rich as Rothschild. He made a speech of a couple of hours, and then was chaired round the town, all the women, married and unmarried, waving their handkerchiefs and blessing his handsome face, just because they had heard of his pranks and thought he must be something very wonderful in some way or another.

Never mind, we had him, he was our own,-the champion of our rights and the perpetual president of the Green Dragon Club. There he supped the night of his return, laid half the members under the table, and smoked the other half dry before twelve o'clock;—there never was such complaisance and condescension. Toast succeeded toast,―cheer followed cheer, denunciations of corruption,-declarations of patriotism, -songs, catches, glees, shrieks, and yells concluded the festival;--and, when the morning came, Mr. Sittingbourn took his departure for London-the idol of his constituents and the deliverer of his country.

The Session of Parliament was half spent when we returned this prodigy of patriotism, and in two or three days after he quitted us it was resolved at the Green Dragon Club that it was the undoubted right of the constituents of a man so chosen and so returned to give him directions how to vote, in accordance to his own declaration of readiness to do so upon all occasions. I ventured to mention to Graves the carpenter, and Lock the milkman, two of the least violent of the political party, my preconceived notions of the difference between the character of a delegate and a representative, which I have already noticed. They laughed at me,-ridiculed me,--and I believe called me a fool ;-as if he were not bound to do what we told him. "What do we send him there for ?" This question I answered as well as I could, by saying, to protect the interests of the country generally, and I admit to look after the local and peculiar interests of the place he represents; but," said I," you have no right to shackle and fetter Mr. Sittingbourn as to each individual and particular vote that he is to give." "Haven't we?" said they; we will soon ascertain whether we have or not. The case has been settled,--the question decided;—we'll see."

Finding them so determined, I said no more, but left them to their own inventions; and sure enough, no sooner had Mr. Sittingbourn indulged himself in a speech, which was tolerably well received by the House, than seven or eight of the leaders of the Green Dragon Club started for London in order to interrogate him as to his conduct and sentiments,-not as a deputation,-not in a body,-but each, as

they say tubs should stand, "on his own bottom." A dozen grievances had arisen out of his twenty minutes' oration; and every individual, directly or indirectly affected, set off, without concert or premeditation, in order to bring their free and independent member to account.

The first man who reached his lodgings-house he had none-was an old friend of mine, Mist, a Wesleyan Methodist. He sent in his name, and was immediately admitted to an audience, in which Sittingbourn received him enveloped in a most magnificent shawl robe de chambre, the room redolent with the fumes of tobacco, and the breakfast equipage on the table.

"Sir," said Mist, "I ought to apologize for breaking in upon you at what I dare say you consider an early hour of the morning, but I could not help it. I was prompted to it-moved to it, as I may say-by reading your speech of Tuesday night. Why, Sir, you are going to vote for the appropriation of the funds of the Protestant Church for the education of Roman Catholics ?"

"Yes," said Sittingbourn; "yes. I think-and what is more important perhaps those with whom I act think that course advisable, and I-"

"Advisable !" interrupted Mist: "Sir, it is destructive ;-it is the beginning of all evil-the very germ of ruin !"

"Dear me, Sir," said Sittingbourn; "I am very sorry to see you so animated. I really-I hope you perceive that the plan strikes only at the Established Church; that the dissenters from that Church ought to concur, as I think, in the arrangement."

"Concur!" said Mist. "If you, Sir, will take the trouble to read the admonitory letter of the exemplary founder of our sect, John Wesley, on the subject of Roman Catholic tyranny and oppression, you will find yourself most wonderfully in error. For myself, Sir, I think it not only fair to you, but essentially due to the respectable class of religionists of whom I have the honour to be one, to state that you must give no such vote as that."

"Sir," said Sittingbourn, " I am pledged to my party."

"I know nothing of party, Sir," said Mist" I am no party man; but you will be pleased to regulate your conduct by the feelings and instructions of your constituents; and I, for one, protest against the admission of a principle likely to overrun the country with Papists, and bring us to as bad a state as that to which our wretched ancestors were reduced in the days of bloody Mary, or the more recent misrule of Charles the First."

At this moment the servant announced Mr. Cross, another constituent. "Have you any objection," said Sittingbourn, "to Mr. Cross's coming in, Mr. Mist ?"

"None in the world, Sir," said Mist. "I praise my Maker I have no animosities."

In comes Mr. Cross, starts rather at seeing Mist, bows to his representative,

"Well, Mr. Cross," said Sittingbourn, "what are your commands? We are all in the same boat; you may speak before our friend Mr.

Well, Sir," said Cross, "I am sure if you have no objection I can have none; but I have come up upon an unpleasant business, in regard to your speech of Tuesday."

"Ah, there it is," sighed Mist.

"I dare say we two sha'n't agree as to particulars," said Cross; "but for my part, Mr. Sittingbourn, if you support that appropriation clause in the Irish Tithe Bill, I have done with you."

"How so?" said Sittingbourn. "Why, Mr. Cross, you are, I believe, a Romanist. You, surely, can have none of the fears and apprehensions which my friend, Mr. Mist, entertains as to the overweening influence of your religion in this Protestant country."

"Fear, Sir!" said Cross; "no-there is no great fear of that, while we have such men in Parliament as yourself. Why, Sir, let me ask you, why should you so readily accede to a proposition for benefiting Catholics in Ireland, and make no exertion to secure us similar advantages in England? We are all on equal ground now, Sir-we are emancipated; that is to say, we have our common rights, and I am just as eligible to sit in Parliament as you, Sir. Why, then, is Ireland to be favoured at our expense? Why are heretic bishoprics to be reduced in Ireland, and not in England? Why is a surplus church revenue there to be applied to the education of children of the holy church, and in England nothing of the sort done? I say, Sir, it is your duty to advocate our cause as well as that of the Irish Catholics; and you must, if you expect any support from me, either vote against that clause, or originate some motion to extend the same advantages to England."

"Time alone is wanting," said Sittingbourn. "Rome was not built in a day, nor can her church be established in an hour: everything must be done by degrees."

"Oh, then," exclaimed Mist," it is gradually to be effected." "I did not say that," said Sittingbourn.

"Didn't you mean it, Sir ?" exclaimed Cross.

"Why, really".

"This will not do," said Cross; "I must have a specific answer before I go."

"Mr. Clerk, Sir," said the servant, announcing another voter. And in Mr. Clerk walked.

"Sir," said Mr. Clerk, "I was not aware that you had company. Mr. Mist, how d'ye do? Mr. Cross, your servant. I won't detain you five minutes;-can I speak to you alone?”

"I dare say," said Sittingbourn, " you may speak before our friends." Well, Sir," said Clerk, " I shall be very short, I hear you have made a speech in favour of a general registration of wills in London. Is that the case, Sir?"

Why, I certainly did support that measure," said Sittingbourn. "It was represented to me as an advisable thing, and ".

"Advisable, is it!" said Clerk. "What, Sir, to deprive hundreds of honest professional men of their livelihood, to gorge the already bloated London practitioners? Sir, it is nonsense-madness-folly."

"It did not strike me to be so," said Sittingbourn; "I must be the best judge of what I have myself examined and inquired into. There appears to be a vast deal of difficulty and intricacy in the present system, and no small proportion of chicanery and extortion, and I really

cannot submit to

دو

Submit, Sir," said Clerk," what do you mean by submitting? I sent you to Parliament to represent me-I tell you that the new Registration Bill is a most shameful bill, and will rob me of four hundred