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claim through the city that Jesus Christ was come with his fan in his hand to judge the world; and if any asked where he was, to bring them thither, and if they would not believe, let them kill him if they could. To which Bacon adds (Faust. F. viii. fo. 33.) cum satis gnarus esset nequissimus impostor id neminem propter legis metum ausurum:'the wretched impostor knowing well enough that fear of the law would prevent any man from attempting such a thing.'

In 1593, Queen Elizabeth had to clear herself of some slanders circulated against her in Germany, as having excited the Turk to make war upon Christendom. In allusion to these slanders Camden had observed (p. 660.) that she had had no dealings with the Turk, except for the purpose of enabling her subjects to trade securely in that empire: on which account (he adds) she had an agent at Constantinople to negotiate the merchants' affairs at their own expense, as had also the French King, the Polonian, the states of Venice and others. This statement Bacon corrects (Faust. F. viii. fo. 55.), by saying that she had only an agent at Constantinople, whereas the French, the Polonian, &c. had ambassadors there: 'quo nomine Agentem tantum, qui negotia mercatorum ipsorum impensis ageret, Constantinopoli habuit, cum Gallus, Pol onus, Respub. Veneta, et alii Legates ibidem haberent.'' The words in italics are inserted by Bacon.


In the beginning of 1594, Roderigo Lopez, a Portuguese, employed by Queen Elizabeth as physician of her household, was tried for a conspiracy (at the instigation of Spain) to poison her. He confessed that he had been dealt with by the Spaniard for that purpose, that he had received from an inward counsellor of the King a rich jewel, had supplied him with intelligence from time to time, and had promised for 50,000 ducats to poison her; but maintained that he never intended to perform the promise and only meant to cozen the Spaniard of his money. Camden had represented him (p. 676.) as stating in his defence that he had given (dondsse) the jewel to the Queen. For dondsse Bacon substitutes (Faust. F. viii. fo. 68.) monstrdsse: 'he had shewed it to her;' and adds the following particulars.

Ad fidem faciendam etiam ed usus est circumstantid, quod Reginoe se in syrupo venenum exhibiturum dixisset, cum satis (ut aiebaC) notum esset Reginam in cura corporis syrupis nunquam usam fuisse, sed ab Us magnopere abhorrere. Verum cum plane liqueret idque ex confessione proprid, eum, cum monile illud Regince monstrdsset, nullam prorsus veneni mentionem fecisse, sed tantum per amigma Reginam interrogdsse annon fraudem fraude tanquam laqueum laqueo intercipere liceret, (quod tamen ipsum Regina ut prudens et cauta foemina rejecisset sibique minime placere respondisset), cumque insuper testatum esset eum serio de fugd faciendd seque ad cognatum quendam et gentilem suum Salomonem Judceum, qui Constantinopoli habitabat, et prmdives erat, conferre deliberdsse, idque in animo habuisse, impostoris ei larva detracta est et proditoris merito adhossit.

'In confirmation of this, he urged this point — that he had told his employers that he would exhibit the poison to the Queen in a syrup; whereas it was well known (he said) that she never used syrups in her diet, but had an especial dislike to them. But when it clearly appeared that in shewing that jewel to the Queen he had made no mention whatever of poison, but had merely asked her in a dark manner whether it were lawful to meet deceit with deceit as snare with snare (by which however the Queen, as a wise and cautious woman, was not caught, but replied that she by no means approved of it), and when moreover it was given in evidence that he had seriously thought of taking flight and betake himself to a kinsman of his own race, one Solomon a Jew, who lived at Constantinople and was very rich, and 'that he had had a purpose so to do, his impostor's mask fell off, leaving the traitor's behind, as was fit.'


Upon the death of Ferdinand Stanley, Earl of Derby, in 1594, there arose a suit between his daughters and his brother William who succeeded to the earldom, for the dominion of the Isle of Man. In the discussion of the title a flaw was detected by the Crown Lawyers which enabled them to put in a claim on behalf of the Queen. But the Queen (says Camden, p. 687.) waived that right, and an agreement was made between the uncle and his nieces. Here Bacon inserts (Faust. F. viii. fo. 76.) the words ut appareret illud potius ad competitores in ordinem redigendos, quam ad rigorem aliquem in medium adductum fuisse: 'to shew that the claim was put in with a view of bringing the competitors to reason rather than of any rigour.'



In the autumn of 1599, England was alarmed with rumours of a Spanish fleet approaching, and an army was hastily levied as in defence of the kingdom. But there was no such thing. It came to light some year and a half after, that about that time the Earl of Essex, then commanding a great army in Ireland and in high discontent with the Queen, was seriously thinking of crossing over to Wales with 2000 men, and marching up to London with such additional forces as would probably have joined him by the way, and so overpowering his enemies. Camden seems to have suspected that the rumour of the Spanish fleet had been got up by the Government in order to provide themselves against this danger; but leaves it doubtful. "Whether the Queen had any secret intimation of this (he says) I know not. Certain it is that at that very time, upon uncertain rumours eagerly credited of a Spanish fleet prepared, 6000 of the best-trained infantry were raised at London, of which 3000 were to guard the Queen's person and the rest to be ready for all occasions; while from the countries round about a more numerous and carefully selected army was sent for: of which Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, Admiral of England, was made commander-in-chief, with full authority as well against foreign enemies as domestic rebels. But this army was within a few days discharged."

Bacon seems to have had less doubt as to the secret history of this rumour and levy—may indeed have had positive knowledge of the fact — and proposes (Faust. F. ix. fo. 33.) to substitute the following passage.

Atque hoc Regince occulta aliquo indicio innotuisse, probabile est. Eterdm eodem tempore increbuerunt rumo-res et per totum regnum pervagati sunt (jpiales spargi solent cum Principe volente volitant), adesse classem Hispanam potentem et optime instructam, ad oras occidentales regni compectam esse, neque quam partem peterent certum esse. Itaque delectus acriter ubique habiti, provincice maritimc e armari et in procinctu esse jussos, nuntii assidue ad aulam missi, quinetiam exercitus rcgius sub duce Comite Notingamice Admirallo Anglice conscriptus. Evulgata etiam fabella quce vel prudentiores capere et fallere posset. Regem Hispanum, erpeditionis in Lusitaniam cui idem Essexius adfuerat non oblitum, cum certior factus esset tantum exercitum ad motus Hybernicos compescendos apparari sub duce tam eminenti et florenti, in suspicionem venisse Ticee prcetextu rerum Hybernicarum ad Hispanice partem aliquam invadendam dcsignata esse, atque idcirco in defensionem regnorum suorum classem numerosam atque etiam copias terrestres pardsse. Postquam autem compcrisset exercitum revera in Hiberniam transmissum esse, atque Mis rebus implicitum; submonitum a consilio suo, ut cum tantam classem et copias magnis impensis et rerum motu jam collegisset et paratas haberet, tie eas inutiliter dimitteret, sed in Angliam impressianem faceret, eo magis quod flos militice Anglicanc e cum Essexio transportatus esset, et Regina nihil tale eo tempore expectaret. Hcec omnia eo fiebant, ut Essexius, certior /actus regnum in armis esse, ab aliquo conatu exercitum Hybernicum in Angliam transportandi injecto metu desisteret. Attamen Ticee Reginoz consilia etiam vulgo in suspicionem venerant et in pejorem partem accipiebantur, ut etiam dicteriis non abstinerent, cum dicerent anno octogesimo octavo ab Hispania

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