sidering that there is an allusion to the derivation of Jovem from juvo, as though Jovem here meant a helper.

nutu regentem: so Rosc. Am. 131 Jupiter O. M. cujus nutu et arbitrio caelum terra mariaque reguntur, cf. Homer Il. 1 528.

patrem divumque hominumque: Enn. Ann. Vi fr. 2 V., quoted again below § 64=πaτǹp ȧvdpŵv te beŵv Te Hom. Il. IV 360, Hes. Theog. 47, Diod. Sic. I 12. Virgil's divom pater atque hominum rex is also borrowed from Ennius. The name Ju-piter, Zeùs Taτýρ, corresponding to the Odin All-father of the north, is of course inconsistent with the genealogical details of later mythology, see Preller R. M. p. 1642 foll., Welcker Gr. Gött. I 179 foll. In Homer we find Zeus styled Tarp by Thetis (П. 1 503), Poseidon (VII 446), Hera (XIX 121); and in Od. xx 202 he is appealed to as the father of men, enn on yelveai avrós. It was from the hymn of Cleanthes, expressing this belief in the fatherhood of Zeus, that the Apostle Paul took the text of his address to the Athenians, τοῦ γὰρ καὶ γένος ἐσμέν. On the other hand the common origin of gods and men from earth is asserted in Hesiod Op. 108 ὡς ὁμόθεν γεγάασι θεοὶ θνητοί τ ̓ ἄνθρωποι, and Pindar Nem. VI 1 ἓν ἀνδρῶν, ἓν θεῶν γένεσις, ἐκ μιᾶς δὲ πνέομεν ματρὸς ἀμφότεροι. Lactantius IV 3 arguing in favour of a primaeval monotheism from the universal use of the term pater in the ceremonies of the different gods, quotes Lucilius ut nemo sit nostrum quin pater optimus divum, ut Neptunus pater, Liber, Saturnus pater, Mars, Janus, Quirinus pater, nomen dicatur ad unum. The Stoics justly claimed the authority of ancient tradition, not only for their doctrine of the Divine fatherhood, but also for their identification of the Deity with heaven. The name Zeus itself means originally the sky (Max Müller vol. II Lect. x) and so we find in Homer П. XIII 837 aiðépa kai Diòs avyás, II 412 Zevs allépɩ vaiwv, and in Aeschylus fr. 295 Dind. we have the same idea widening out into a true Stoic pantheism, Zeus éστw ailńp, Ζεὺς δὲ γῆ, Ζεὺς δ ̓ οὐρανός ̇ Ζεύς τοι τὰ πάντα χὤτι τῶνδ ̓ ὑπέρτερον. Το Democritus ap. Clem. Al. Protr. § 68, and Strom. v § 103, there are men who have learnt, as they raise their hands to heaven, to say that all is Zeus, and that he knows and gives and takes away all things, and is the king of all'. Compare also the old Orphic line so much quoted by the Stoics, Ζεὺς ἀρχὴ, Ζεὺς μέσσα, Διὸς δ ̓ ἐκ πάντα τέτυκται (Lobeck Agl. p. 530) and that of Valerius Soranus (ap. Aug. C. D. VII 9) Jupiter omnipotens, regum rerumque deumque progenitor genetrixque deum deus unus et omnis. Further illustrations may be found in Seneca Qu. N. 11 45, Epict. Diss. 1 3, Cornutus c. 9 with Osann's n.

quod qui dubitet-possit: on the hypothetical use of the Subj. cf. 1 43 qui consideret n. Madv. Fin. II 86, Tusc. v 118. The Ind. is read by most edd. in § 93 qui existimat, non intellego cur non putet.

sol sit an nullus sit: the more common form of alternative is sol sit necne, as in 1 61 sintne di necne, III 17 di utrum sint necne sint; here we have a stronger opposition, see on 1 61 nulli esse.

§ 5. cognitum comprehensumque: the Stoic karaλŋπтóν, cf. I 1 n. on perceptum et cognitum.

inveterascere: I have followed Forchhammer (Nord. Tidsk. 1880 p. 40) in adopting this form, as it seems to be the form regularly used by Cic. and his contemporaries in the sense of becoming fixed, cf. 3 Cat. 26 (res nostrae) litterarum monumentis inveterascent, Nepos Att. 2 inveterascere aes alienum patiebatur, Lucr. IV 1068 inveterascit alendo, Caesar B. G. v 40 inveterascere consuetudinem, ib. II 1 exercitum inveterascere in Gallia; and there is no certain example of inveterare in the same sense (though Forcellini refers to it all the exx. of the Perf. stem inveteravi), nor of inveterari before the time of Pliny.

ceteras: i.e. all but the naturae judicia mentioned below. The antithesis is concealed by the parenthetical quis-extimescat.

fictas:=fictas ovσas.

extabuisse: 'to have dwindled away'; only found here in tropical

sense.

Hippocentaurum: cf. 1 105. The writer of the notice of vol. I in the Saturday Rev. adds a ref. to Digest 45. 1. 97.

Chimaeram: 1 108.

anus: see I 55 n.

excors: 'senseless', the old Romans regarded the heart as the seat of the understanding; hence the derivatives Corculum (the surname of Nasica), and cordatus.

apud inferos portenta: for constr. cf. praeter naturam portentis § 14 ; for the thought Juv. II 149, Seneca Consol. ad Marc. 19 cogita—illa quae nobis inferos faciunt terribiles, fabulam esse; nullas imminere mortuis tenebras nec carcerem nec flumina flagrantia igne nec oblivionis amnem, Ep. 24, Cornutus c. 35 (Osann p. 383), Serv. ad Aen. XI 755, Cic. Tusc. I 10 and 48. According to Plutarch Stoic. Rep. p. 1040, Chrysippus attacked Plato for his doctrine of future punishment ὡς οὐδὲν διαφέροντα τῆς ̓Ακκοῦς καὶ τῆς ̓Αλφιτοῖς, δι ̓ ὧν τὰ παιδάρια τοῦ κακοσχολεῖν αἱ γυναῖκες ἀνείργουσιν. Sext. Emp. IX 66 explains why that general consent, which is considered to prove the existence of the Gods, is disregarded in the case of Tartarus.

opinionis commenta: cf. Sext. Emp. Math. 1x 62 ai vevdeîs dóέai kai πρόσκαιροι φύσεις οὐκ ἐπὶ πλεῖον παρεκτείνουσιν ἀλλὰ συντελευτῶσιν ἐκείνοις av xápiv épuλáTTоvто (e.g. divine honours paid to kings ibid. 35).

deorum cultus-meliores. On the state of religious belief at this time see my Sketch of Ancient Philosophy p. 212 foll. We find a less favourable view, as regards divination, in § 9, and as regards the reverence for sacred things in 1 81; the latter view agrees with what we read in Livy III 20 nondum haec, quae nunc tenet saeculum, neglegentia deum venerat, cf. x 21, Varro ap. Aug. C. D. vi 2 (V. dicit) se timere ne (di) pereant, non incursu hostili, sed civium neglegentia, de qua illos velut ruina liberari a se dicit.

§ 6. et praesentes: et prepares the way for praedictiones in § 7, but this is delayed by a series of exx. cf. Madv. Fin. exc. 1. For the matter cf. §§ 163, 166, and n.. on occurrit 1 46. Cic. himself Harusp. Resp. fin. denies

that such epiphanies really occurred, nolite id putare accidere posse, quod in fabulis saepe videtis fieri, ut deus aliquis delapsus e caelo coetus hominum adeat, versetur in terris, cum hominibus colloquatur, 'the divinity reveals himself through omens and portents, not in personal form'. See Xen. Mem. IV 3.

Castor et Pollux: cf. III 53, Lucian Dial. Deor. 26 with Hemsterhuis' nn., Preller (Gr. Myth. II 992, R. M. 6602), who gives a long list of their appearances. Theocritus XXII 6 calls them ἀνθρώπων σωτῆρας ἐπὶ ξυροῦ ἤδη ἐόντων ἵππων θ' αἱματόεντα ταρασσομένων καθ ̓ ὅμιλον ναῶν θ'. We read (Divin. I 75) of their fighting for the Spartans at Aegos Potami, in memory of which two golden stars were dedicated at Delphi, (Orat. 11 352) of their saving Simonides in the fall of the palace of Scopas. Florus (III 3 20) says they carried the news of the defeat of the Cimbri to Rome. Their worship was brought from Sparta to Tarentum and Locri and thence to Rome, where equestrian processions were yearly held in their honour. The surname Ahenobarbus was connected with the miraculous story of the battle of Regillus; Domitius refusing to give credit to the tidings brought by the Dioscuri, Pollux by a touch changed his beard from black to red (Suet. Nero 1). The same belief in heavenly warriors mixing in the fray in bodily form is found both among Jews (2 Maccabees x 29, xi 8), and the Christians of the Middle Ages; see Mrs Jameson Sacred and Legendary Art p. 234, (abbreviated) 'the Spanish historians number 38 visible apparitions, in which St James of Compostella descended from heaven in person and took command of their armies against the Moors. The first and most famous was at the battle of Clavijo (939 A.D.) when the glorious saint showed himself in the heat of battle, as he had promised King Ramirez on the previous night, mounted on a milk-white charger and waving aloft a white standard: he led on the Christians, who gained a decided victory, leaving 60,000 Moors dead on the field'.

ex equis pugnare: the same phrase occurs Liv. I 129; cf. ex equis colloqui Caesar B. G. I 43, ex vinculis causam dicere ib, I 4, and Liv. ΧΧΙΧ 19, λαμπὰς ἔσται ἀφ ̓ ἵππων τῇ θεῷ Plato Rep, I 328 A ; ab equo (jacere tela) is found Ov. A. A. 1 210, see Mayor's Juvenal v 155. The Tyndaridae are called λevкóπwλoι (Pind. Pyth. 1 66). In III 11 Cic. refers to the story of the print of a horse's hoof being still visible in the rock near Regillus.

Persem victum: the last king of Macedonia, defeated by L. Aemilius Paulus at Pydna 168 B.C. Another marvel is related of this war in Div. I 105, which perhaps may be considered to betaken the anxiety which it caused.

hujus adulescentis: cf. 1 79 n., and Off. 1 121 hunc Paulo natum. The ref. is to Vatinius the Legatus of Caesar, accused by Cic. in a scurrilous speech still extant, but afterwards reconciled to him through Caesar's influence. As he was quaestor in 63 B.C., he would be under 20 years of age in 76 B.C., the supposed date of the Dialogue.

praefectura Reatina: Cic. often mentions this town, with which he

was officially connected, having acted as its patron in the cause against the town of Interamna. The waters of the river Velinus, which flows through R., are so strongly impregnated with carbonate of lime, that they are continually forming deposits of travertine, and thus tending to block up their own channel; so that unless their course was artificially regulated, the valley of the Velinus was liable to be inundated; while, if these waters were carried off too rapidly into the Nar, which runs at a much lower level, the valley of that river and the territory of Interamna suffered the same fate. (E. H. Bunbury in Dict. of Geog.) In the speech Pro Scauro 27 Cic. mentions that he visited the locality in order to be thoroughly informed of the facts: compare also Att. IV 15 and 3 Cat. 5, where he speaks of his bodyguard of Reatines. The Italian towns are classified by C. (Sext. 32, 2 Phil. 58) as municipia, coloniae, praefecturae. Festus defines the last as towns in which et jus dicebatur et nundinae agebantur et erat quaedam earum res publica, neque tamen magistratus suos habebant. He mentions Reate among the praefecturae to which one praefectus was sent annually by the praetor urbanus; in other cases there were several praefecti elected by the immediate vote of the Populus Romanus. After the 2nd Punic war Capua was punished by being degraded into a praefectura. The name praefectus recalls the old conquests of Rome, when a Roman governor was sent with a colony to overawe the inhabitants of some Latin or Samnite town, cf. Marquardt I p. 9, 29, 41 foll.

cum equis: so Q. Fr. II 13 (Domitium publicani) cum equis prosecuti sunt, 2 Verr. v 7 edictum ne quis servus cum telo esset, Div. 1 119 Caesar cum purpurea veste processit, cf. Hand Tursell. II p. 144. Cum in such cases is used idiomatically, instead of a more definite preposition, to give prominence to some accessory circumstance. So in Gr. we find (Xen. Cyrop. VIII 1 8) ἐφοίτων ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας Κύρου οἱ ἔντιμοι σὺν τοῖς ἵπποις καὶ ταῖς αἰχμαῖς, like the ἵππον ἔχων of Plato Symp. 221, and σὺν ὅπλοις ‘in armour', ovv vnt' on board ship'.

cum senatui nuntiavisset: so Vahlen (Zeitschr. f. Öst. Gymn. 1873 p. 241) proposes to read, as cum might have been easily lost after the preceding captum (see crit. nn.). He cites Div. 1 51 P. Decius...cum esset tribunus militum...a Samnitibusque premeretur noster exercitus, cum pericula proeliorum iniret audacius &c.; Parad. 1 8 cujus cum patriam cepisset hostis, ceterique ita fugerent, ut multa de suis rebus asportarent, cum esset admonitus a quodam &c. For the loss of cum in the MSS cf. below § 63 nam cum.

quasi locutus=ws dǹ μátnv eipnkás, 'on the ground that he had spoken', cf. Val. Max. 1 8 § 1 (Vatinius) tamquam majestatis senatus...vano sermone contemptor in carcerem conjectus. Draeger § 536 confines this use of quasi to Tacitus. [It is common in the lawyers, e.g. Gai. II 198 plerique putant legatarium petentem per exceptionem doli mali repelli, quasi contra voluntatem defuncti petat, IV 163, Dig. II 14 1. 7 § 15. R.]

constitisset: tallied'; idem is pleonastic, cf. ad Herenn. 1 9 § 16 veri similis narratio erit, si spatia temporum, personarum dignitates, consiliorum

rationes, locorum opportunitates constabunt, and the common phrase ratio

constat.

vacatione: exemption from military service was granted to those who held a priesthood or a magistracy, or on the ground of eminent merit, e.g. to Aebutius for giving information about the Bacchanalia (Liv. xxxix 19 4), to the soldiers who had joined Octavius and Hirtius against Antonius (Philipp. v 53). Exemption for five years was granted to the Praenestines in the 2nd Punic war for their brave defence of Casilinum. In times of emergency the Senate might pass a decree 'ne vacationes valerent' (Philipp. v 12, Marquardt III 2 p. 289).

Locri: these were the L. Epizephyrii, a colony sent out by the Locrians of Opus probably in the 7th cent. B. C. who first occupied the Bruttian promontory of Zephyrium, and afterwards moved to a site 15 m. further to the north. They paid divine honours to their national hero Ajax son of Oileus, regularly leaving a place for him in their line of battle (Paus. III 19 § 11 with n. by Siebelis), and sending yearly to Ilium two maidens chosen by lot to serve as ministers in the temple of Athene, by way of atonement for the rape of Cassandra (Preller Gr. M. II 454, Plut. S. N. Vind. c. 12 with Wyttenbach's n.). The river Sagra separated · Locri from Caulonia. Lenormant (La Grande-Grèce II pp. 27-35) identifies it with the Turbolo, a precipitous torrent running between rocky banks; near the mouth of this there is a narrow pass, like that of Thermopylae, which, he thinks, affords a natural explanation of the victory of the Locrians. He gives B. C. 560 as the date for the battle. In N. D. III 13 Cic. alludes to the proverb ἀληθέστερα τῶν ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ, which Suidas s.v. anons explains as follows: the Locrians being threatened by Crotona asked help of Sparta, from which many of their citizens had come, but the Spartans declined to give them any thing but the Dioscuri, i.e. probably the images or symbols (dókava) which were carried with the kings on their warlike expeditions. (So the Greeks asked for the Aeacids before the battle of Salamis.) The Locrians accepted this as a good omen, went to the shrine, and offered sacrifices to the Twin Gods. When the news of the victory came the Spartans refused to believe it; hence the proverb is used ἐπὶ τῶν ἀληθῶν μέν, οὐ πεπιστευμένων δέ. In the battle it is said that 120,000 Crotoniates were ranged against 15,000 on the side of Locri ; pugnantibus Locris aquila ab acie numquam recessit, eosque tam diu circumvolavit, quoad vincerent. In cornibus quoque duo juvenes diverso a ceteris armorum habitu, eximia magnitudine et albis equis et coccineis paludamentis, pugnare visi sunt, nec ultra apparuerunt quam pugnatum est. Hanc admirationem auxit incredibilis famae velocitas. Nam eadem die, qua in Italia pugnatum est, et Corintho et Athenis et Lacedaemone nuntiata est victoria (Justin xx 3). The people of Crotona were roused from the apathy which followed their defeat by the coming of Pythagoras shortly afterwards. Among other marvels related in connexion with this war we are told that the two Crotoniate generals, Leonymus and Phormion, having