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it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more.

There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations! but, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good: that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue; to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far, in the discharge of iny official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have, at least, believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it. I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintaip it with moderation, perseverance and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain in violate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will be best referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been, to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though. in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects, not to think it probable that I may liave committed inany errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things,

and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government; the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.

G. WASHINGTON. United States, 17th Sept. 1796.

ADVERTISEMENT. The compiler has given, in the present edition, several original biographical sketches, written by some of the most eminent men in our country; and he deems it proper to state, that since the present edition has been put to press, he has received other original sketches, which will be reserved for the third edition, to be comprised in an octavo volume, and to contain between four and five hundred pages. The very flattering encouragement already received for the third edition, would justify the Editor in putting it to press immediately; but having promised gentlemen in various parts of the Union, to delay it to enable them to collect and prepare sketches of our deceased heroes, sages, and statesmen, of the revolution, it will not be put to press until early next spring:

The compiler tenders his sincere thanks to those gentlemen who have so liberally patronised the work, and who furnished materials for it, and we may with confidence assert, that "as Americans, we hail with delight any attempt to rescue from ol:livion the words or actions of those whose names we have been taught to revere.”

Easton, Pennsylvania, August 12, 1823.

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A Declaration by the representatives of

the United colonies of North America, setting forth the causes and necessity

of their taking up arms, A petition of Congress to the king of

Great Britain, stating the merits of their claims, and soliciting the royal interposition for an accommodation of

differences on just principles, Proclamation for a day of general humi

liation, fasting and prayer, Declaration of American Independence, Proclamation for a day of public thanks

giving and prayer, on account of the capture of the British army under the command of Lieutenant General Bur

goyne, on the 16th of October, 1777, An address of the Congress to the inha

bitants of the United States of America,

upon the situation of public affairs, A manifesto by the Congress of the Uni

ted States of America, Proclamation for a day of public thanks

giving and prayer, on account of the capture of the British army under the command lord Cornwallis, at-Yorktown, Virginia, on the 19th of October,

1781, Proclamation for a day of thanksgiving, in

consequence of a cessation of arms between the United States and Great Bri

tain, General Washington's general orders to

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47 49

* 66

70 74


the army, on the cessation of arms, be-
tween the United States and Great

General Washington's farewell address

to the armies of the United States, C Speech of general Washington to the Presiờent of Congress, on resigning his

commission as commander in chief, Answer of the President of Congress to

tlie foregoing,
Adams, Samuel,
Allen, Ethan,
Alexander, William,
Arnold Benedict,

-Anecdote of him,
Bartlett, Josiah,
Biddle, Nicholas,
Bryan, George,
Cadwalader, John,
Clinton, James,
Clinton, George,
Clinton, Charles,
Davidson, William,
Dickinson, John,

-Extract from an address of con-
gress, 1779, written by him,
Drayton, William, Henry,

His charge to the grand jury, Franklin, Benjamin,

His rules and moral princples,

-His laconic letter to a member
of Parliament, in 1775,
Gadsden, Christopher,

-Anecdote of him,
Gates, Horatio,
Greene, Nathaniel,

-Interesting story,
Hamilton, Alexander,

86 89 100 102 107 114 119 123 127

29 132 132 134 160

167 171 173 176 187 199 205

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