and malt and put them on the landlords. You will then get tobacco for a halfpenny an ounce and whiskey for a penny a glass." The Tory Democracy, by denouncing the land monopolists, as Lord Randolph did in the House of Commons, and by advocating the breaking up of "bloated estates," in the interest of the people-strictly speaking, in the interest of a class-are, unless we regardas we must regard-this step to be strictly tactical, but preparing the ground for the Radical who will come proposing to tax down the swollen rent-rolls in the interest of the whole people, every class. Threepence worth of tobacco for a halfpenny, fourpence worth of whiskey for a penny, are very tangible and comprehensible boons. The Tory Democrat, as he stands at the bar, or sits in the inn parlour, will find it very hard indeed to put down a Radical politician who holds up a quid of tobacco, and says: "Mates, you vote for our men, and you'll have that 'ere ounce of good twist tobacco for a halfpenny and whiskey at a penny a glass." Heretofore the Conservative working-man felt the magic of such words as the Throne and the Nobility of England, the National Church, the British Empire, our Army and Navy, our Foreign Possessions, and felt the truth of such language as the "Sacredness of Property," and that it is as wrong to rob the rich as to rob the poor. But the Tory Democrat, if he be advancing, though

at a slower pace, along the line of Radicalism, and following its lead and direction, will be unable to touch those chords of the working-man's nature which would gladly respond to the time-honoured phrases which I have quoted. If on the land question, in pursuance of a distinct strategy, the Tory Democrat gives himself over to a Radical policy, as, if we regard Lord Randolph to be an accredited representative, he has already done, the pursuit of that strategy will carry him in the Radical direction along other political lines as well. Plainly this step is tactical, not an indication of a progressive and growing policy. He cannot compete with the Radical on such lines, and he has surrendered the old charmed ideas and associations by the judicious employment of which he might successfully resist Radical appeals to mere cupidity. For example, as against the Radical assailing the landed interest with confiscatory intent, a bold Tory orator might play grandly, and with effect, upon the sacredness of property, the wickedness of public plunder, the great deeds of the barons, Magna Charta, etc., and appeal to strong human sentiments of sympathy and admiration so commonly felt towards ancient and noble families. But the Tory Democrat who denounces bloated estates as a national peril, and proposes a violent eviction of the aristocracy, cannot do this. Having deserted the strong vantage supplied by traditional

Conservatism, he cannot oppose to the Radical any very powerful argument or appeal to any powerful sentiment.

Similarly should the Tory Democrat, in pursuit of the same line of strategy, find it good to surrender some of the Prerogative or some of the income of the Throne, he deprives himself of the power of appealing to those passions, habits, and feelings which surround the idea of the Throne. The Tory Democrat, by going up to a certain point in the direction of the abolition of Royalty, will not be able to successfully resist the Radical who goes a stage farther. The sentiment of loyalty is the only really powerful defence of the Throne. When the Tory Democrat is unable to appeal to or arouse that sentiment, he will not be able to maintain his ground against the Radical inveighing against the expense of Royalty, and declaring that it is a useless anachronism.

Similarly, at every other point where Toryism assimilates itself to Radicalism, it will deprive itself of the power of appealing to some charmed association, and in the appeal to utility the Radical will have the best of the argument, while the strong appetitive passions of human nature will be enlisted upon his side.

It may indeed happen that the personal popularity or personal greatness of the leaders of a Tory party acting on such lines, together with the

personal unpopularity or personal weakness of the Liberal leaders, may enable the Tory Democrats to win one general election. Or the spectacle of the Conservatives adopting such a new and peculiar rôle may exert, for a while, a great fascination over the minds of the constituencies. But, in the long run, Toryism, though it may throw over all that the old Conservative school held dear, is sure to be outbid and outvoted by Radicalism. Rather than resort to such methods, Toryism, in my opinion, had much better keep to the old catch-words and magic phrases, and the old traditional policy of the party.

L

CHAPTER IX.

SOURCES OF RADICAL STRENGTH.

I THEREFORE cannot but think that Lord Randolph, touching as he does more nearly and closely the sentiments of the Conservative Democracy than any other, has not so far indicated the essential principle of democratic Toryism. Tory Democracy will not be a bastard and halting Radicalism, but something absolutely and entirely different.

Reverting now to Lord Beaconsfield's definition of the Conservatives as the National party, let us consider how that conception might be worked out in legislation and administration, especially with reference to new current phases of thought and sentiment. If, under the stress of life, or the effect of change and growth, the Radical party threatens to advance upon its way by vast strides, and the Conservative party, as by some supposed, also by vast strides moves in the same direction, it is plain