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a famous teacher of Benares, could not properly grasp the meaning and entertained some wrong notions in his mind. The Achariyo was very anxious for him and hit upon a plan of educating him through the help of nature. He resolved on questioning him on his return from gathering firewood and leaves "as to what he had seen or done in the forest that day and as to what it was like ". This process he thought would lead the student to make comparisons and give reasons, and that the continuous practice of comparing and reasoning, would make the task of teaching him easier.
"Atha'assa etad ahosi: ath'eko upayo, ahaṁ imam māņavaṁ darutthaya, panṇtthāya gaṇtvā āgatam' ajja te kim dittham, kim katam'ti puchchhissami, 'imaṁ nāma ajja maya diṭṭham idam katam ti ācikk hissati, athanaṁ 'tayad ṭṭhañ cha katañ cha kidisaṁ ti pucchissāmi, so'evarupam, nāmā ' ti upamāya cha karaṇena cha kahessati, ti nam navam navaṁ upamān cha kāranan cha kathapetva imina upayena panditaṁ karissāmiti”
Then this ocurred to him, " There is one way of doing it. When this boy returns after gathering wood and leaves, I shall ask him what have you seen and what have you been doing t-day?' He would say, 'I lave scen this and have done this. ' 1 shall then ask him What sorts of things were s.en by you and what sorts of action did you perform?' He would say, 'it was like this' and use comparisons and give reasons. In this way by
leading him on to fresh comparisons and new reasonings, I shall make him a learned man."
Other objects of University education. -- The objects of higher education are set forth in the Tilamuṭṭhi Jātaka, where it is stated that in sending loys to the University, the kings had other objects in view besides pure education, viz., to quell their pride or to democratize the princely mind and to make them hardy and acquainted with the character of the people.
Porāṇakorājāno cha attanoputte evam, ete., nihatamānadappā sîtuṇhakkhama lokachārittaaññu cha bhavissantîti attano nagare disāpāmokkhe āchariye vijjamāne pi sippuggahantthaya dūre tiro rattham (Takshaśilā) pesenti."
Kings of former times, though there might be famous teachers living in the city, often used to send their sons far off to foreign countries (Takshasila) to complete their education, that by this means, they might learn to quell their pride and arrogance, to endure heat and cold and be made acquainted with the character of the people" (Translation adapted from Rouse).
Conclusion. The materials that we have been able to glean from all parts of the Jatakas show a general spread of education in the 'country as early as the age of the Jātakas. A chief intellectual centre of the age was Takshasila from which culture radiated over a great area. The University of Benares. was a growing institution in the age of the Jatakas and did not attain much of the celebrity which it afterwards attained since the decline of Takshaśilā. The system of education which obtained in Takshasilā, was introduced into Benares, and it is worthy of note, that in both the places, the study of the "sippas" found favour with a large number of students, who must have found it more profitable than any other study. The influx of students in the universities for receiving technical education, is suggestive of the fact that there was a great demand in the country of experts in the age of the Jatakas.
It is also interesting to find that in the university the art of war was taught side by side with the art of peace. The teachers, at least some of them, we have already noticed, were military References in the Jatakas to the teaching of archery at Takshaśila are numerous.
grant not being yet received, it will be published in the September number of the Journal. It should be bound up in its place with this Paper.
V-Tekkali Inscription of Madhyamaraja, the son of Petavyalloparaja.
By Mahamahopadhaya Haraprasad Sastri, M.A., C.I.E.,
The copperplate measures 5" x 3". It is the second of at least three plates which completed the grant. The three plates were joined together by a ring with a seal. The seal and the ring seem to have been wrenched away, breaking a portion from the plate. It begins abruptly from the middle of a verse and ends also in the middle of a verse. Its find spot is not known. It was sent to me last year by Sir Edward Gait for decipherment. He seems to have got it from the Yuvaraja of Tekkali.
The mahgalacharana or invocation is not to be found in this plate as it was engraved in the first plate. The formal part of the grant together with the imprecatory verses was engraved in the third plate. The present plate being the second contains only a portion of the genealogy. Even the name of the donor is not here. This copperplate seems to belong to the Śailodbhava family of the Koñgada in Kalinga, of which three only are known, namely, (1) Bugura plate of Madhavavarman (2) Parikud plate  of Madhyamaraja, (3) and the plates of the time of Śaśankarāja, whose dependents the carly Śailodbhava princes
seem to have been.
The princes of the family had their names ending in the word Bhita-and the same name often recurs. In the present plate the first name is Madhyamaraja who got the kingdom from his father. (2) His son was Dharmarāja also called Mānabhīta. (3) His son was Madhyamaraja, the second. (4) His son was Ranakṣobha, which I take to be an equivalent of Raṇabhita.
 Epi. Ind. Vol. III,
 Epi. Ind, Vol. XI, p. 281 ff
(5) His successor was his brother Petavyalloparāja who came from a giri or hill, the name of it is difficult to read. (6) He was succeeded by Madhyamaraja the third, the son of Yuvaraja Taillapanibha. So the genealogy would run thus :-
The family seems to have reigned for several generations, but without any independent authority. It is not possible to say to whom they owed allegiance at any particular period of time. They were, in the beginning of the seventh century, dependents of Sasankarāja Narendra Gupta of Western Bengal.
The script resembles that of the Parikud plate of Madhyamarajadeva with these differences (1) that in Parikud plates the vertical lines of 'm' have become slanting in the present plate; (2) That's' has a triangular nose in this plate, while in Parikud it is only a line, (3) that 's' has the left hand limb much more flattened than in Parikud. (4) That the line joining the right hand and the left hand limbs of 'a' is longer in this than in the Parikud; (5) that 'h' in this plate a mere waving line, but in the Parikud there are two waves, the right hand one being lower down (6) that the 'kh' in this plate begins with a triangle at the right hand side ending in a knot on the left hand side, whereas in the Parikud it does not end in a knot. It does not end in a knot and seems to be taller; (7) that 's' in this plate is open only at the top while in Parikud it is open both at the top and at the bottom.
The only portion of this inscription which agrees with Parikud is the verse Anye Vayuphalambha bhakṣaṇa ratah, etc. The verse refers in both cases to Madhyamaraja, but it is doubtful whether to the same person.
The history of this family as gathered from epigraphs seems to run thus. In the Kalinga country, there was a famous man named Pulindasena. He did not like to take upon himself the burden of the earth and so prayed to Svayambhu for a king; and Svayambhu produced Sailodbhava from rocks. During the reign of Śaśānkarāja, in the first half of the seventh century, Madhyamaraja II who bore another name Sainyabhita on his scal, was a feudatory. His father Yásobhita and his grandfather Madhyamarāja I were also feudatory chiefs. From the Bugura plates, the writing on which is of much later date than that of Śaśānkarāja's feudatory, we get the four following names :-Raṇabhita, Sainyabhita, Yaśobhīta, Sainyabhīta, also called Śrīnivāsa and Madhavavarman. From the Parikud grants  we get Raṇabhīta, Sainyabhīta I, Yaśobhīta I, Sainyabhita II, Yaśobhita II and Madhyamaraja. In the Khurda plate only three names occur, namely, Sainyabhita, Yasobhita and Madhavarāja[*].
In the present plate we have Madhyamaraja, Dharmarāja or Manabhīta, Madhyamarāja II, Raṇakṣobha or Raṇabhīta, Petavyālloparāja, Madhyamarāja the Third, the son of Yuvarāja Taillapa
The epigraphs range over several centuries, the Ganjam plates of Saśánka's feudatory being the earliest. Without going deep into the examination of the paleography of the plates, I may hazard a conjecture that in point of time, the Khurda plates come nearest to Ganjam, next come Bugura and next after Parikud; the present plate coming last. The writing on this plate very nearly approaches that on the Sulki plates; and therefore, it may be put down to the eleventh century. It would be premature, with the materials in hand, to attempt to construct a genealogy of the Śailodbhava dynasty for four or five centuries.
 Epi. Ird. Vol. III, p. 41 ff.