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in the text of the inscription, and Mr. Panday's unflagging zeal to that cause I cannot exaggerate.
The text, as now added to and corrected, may be taken as practically definite, except for the words or letters enclosed in brackets.
New passages in as many as ten out of seventeen lines have been now recovered which had been formerly given up as entirely lost, since the time of Prinsep. The lacuna in line 5 is narrowed down to the space of some 10 letters, while line 6 is entirely filled up and the record of the sixth year completed. The record of the seventh year, which had been considered entirely lost, is now recovered to fifty per cent. Substantial advance has been made in the recovery of lost passages in lines 8, 9 and 10. The record of the eleventh year is now fully known but for 2 letters. Line 12 is approaching completion, and lines 1 and 14 which had not been even half read, stand now fully deciphered except the opening portion where the rock has chipped off clean. Line 15 is similarly completed but for two words the reading of which is held back for future verification. The small gap in line 17 is also removed.
The result of the new and corrected readings may be briefly summarized.
The capital of Kalinga had an artificial fountain before 173 B.C., the reservoir (tank) of which, damaged by storm, was restored by the king as soon as he came to the throne.
The grammatical form (instrumental) by which the number of the subjects is expressed shows that the number was "ascertained" and "accurate". The rule which explains this significance of the instrumental form is indicated in the footnote to the Sanskrit rendering and here below. According to that the sentence means: "the king pleased (his) thirty-five hundred thousand subjects having ascertained them * (in the first year of the reign)". * cf. शतेन वत्सान् पाययति पयः शतन परिच्छिद्य etc. See SiddhantaKamudi, sub. Pāņini, II, 3-23. For the meaning of parchcheda see ¡ibië] sub. P. II, 3-46.
परिमाणमात्र द्रोणो ब्रोहौः । द्रोण-रूपं
myfgend argfefænì difefczyć: 1
The position of the Mushika capital is given in the inscription as being on the river Kañha-benā, which means the united stream of what we now call the Kanhan and the Wain in the Central Provinces. The political influence of King Satakaṛni extended up to the Wain Ganga and the Mūshika Capital.
King Khāravela observed the practices of the Jain laity (line 14); at the same time he performed the imperial Rajasuya sacrifice, a Vedic ritual. The two were not considered inconsistent. Here Jainism presents a great contrast with Buddhism. The latter tended to separate itself from
national traditions: e.g. conquest and sacrifices, which were, for instance, prohibited by Asoka. But Khāravela, the greatest ruler in India in his time, though a Jain, indulged not only in wide and continued conquests but also celebrated his victories with orthodox ancient sacrifices. Further, he gave lands to Vedic Brahmans and built houses for them with sacrificial pits which are pointedly mentioned in line 9. At the same time he was zealous to bring back the statue of the Jina which King Nanda had taken away to Magadha from Orissa 300 years before Kharavela's time,
The new text in line 12 shows that images of the Jinas or Tirthankaras had come into existence as early as 460 B.C. Here I must mention the opinion of a learned Jain ascetic who has studied the history of his religion, that images preceded footprints in the history of Jain worship. I would not at first accept this opinion of Muni Jina Vijayaji but I now agree with him in view of the datum of the inscription. Another important fact in the history of that religion, brought to light by our record, is that the Jains worshipped or honoured the remains of their prophets and raised monuments on the relics which they called Nishidi ('resting place'). One such reliquary was on the Khandagiri-Udayagiri Hills the site of which, I think, I have succeeded in finding (see below). This monument in the time of Kharavela was in the hands of the ascetics of the Yapa (=Yapana) school who seem to have devoted their life to philanthropic acts. This is the earliest mention of a Jain school. This school, now extinct, flourished in the
South as proved by inscriptions. The Yapana school according to a Jain authority mentioned below arose after the death of Bhadrabahu who was a contemporary of Chandragupta. Our inscription indirectly confirms this, as the school certainly existed in and before 170 B.C.
A few economic data of importance deserve attention. The king remitted taxes in the year of the Rajasuya sacrifice. The tax evidently was paid in money, for the word for revenue used is the 'tax-money' (kara-paṇa). The land grants to Vedic Brahmans (line 9) were collective gifts made to their caste association. This system of collective tenure of Brahmans has come down to our day in Orissa.
The valuable articles received from the king of the Pandya country included rubies. Now there was no ruby mine in the South; the article must have come there either from Ceylon, Burma or the Persian gulf. The rubies, and also probably the wonderful horses mentioned, indicate a sea-borne trade between the Madras coast and Burma or Persia or both at the period.
Coming to political matters, it should be noted that the name of the king of Magadha is definitely Bahasati not Bahapatimitra. Both are Prakrit forms of Brihaspati-mitra, but the former, as pointed out to me by Sir George Grierson, would have been the North-Western pronounciation. Sir George solved the difficulty of the old reading by suggesting that the engraver was probably a man from that part of India. This would not have caused any surprise now, for the new text in line 7 gives the information that the Queen came from that region, from Vajira, which was evidently on the other side of the Indus (see below). A careful examination, however, proved that the text reads Bahasati which is the form used on the coins of that king and in inscriptions of his relative at Pabhosa (Allahabad). The compound Amga-Magadha (line 12) shows that the two countries were still united as in the time of Bimbisara. Both Gorathagiri (Barabar Hills) and Rajagṛiha were what Manu calls giri-durga. or hill fortresses, in 161 B.C. The former was 'broken' (sacked by Kharavela. It is described as being of "great walls (or