barriers)". After the fall of Gorathagiri the latter was besieged by the Orissan king. To invest Rajagriha was possible only if the invader had a very large army, and it is expressly mentioned that his army was a large one. An army division was inside the Rajagriha fortress. The King of Magadha moved away to Mathura during these adverse operations. We do not know the result of the siege of Rajagriha as the remaining line is still unread. The Government has accepted my suggestion to have a cast of the inscription made for the Patna Museum. When that cast is made the mystery will be probably solved.

The Southern kings seem to have been friendly to Khāravela. He does not come in conflict with them; on the other hand, one of them, the Pandyan, who probably represented the leading power of the South, honoured him by sending friendly presents. In undertaking his invasion of Northern India Kharavela observed the Vedic rites and solemnities prescribed for such occasions. It is remarkable that the invasion of the North was marked by the popular pageant emphasizing the memory of the national hero"the cause of nation reputation"-KETU BHADRA, the Orissan General in the Maha-Bharata war (J.B.O.R.S., III, 436). A statue representing him, in wood, was installed on a pavilion made of tall timbers' and mounted on huge wheels, and was led in procession. The pavilion on wheels was the precursor of the present-day religious car of Orissa.

We find further evidence of the architectural taste of the King. He built "Shelters" for his Queen, Dhisi (=Dhṛisti) on the holy Kumārī Hill (Khandagiri-Udayagiri) at the cost of 7 millions of the then rupee, the pana. The Queen's Shelters or Temporary Palaces are the rock-cut buildings now called the "Queen's Palace", a few yards from the site of the inscription (see below). The ruins impress the mind by their ensemble grandeur and fine art. The columns of the lower story were encased in a mosaic of beryl (line 16). Incidentally we gather that mason-artists were rewarded by land grants.

The record stops with the thirteenth year of the King's reign. That the king lived at least three or four decades longer is evident from the Svargapuri (or Manchapuri) inscription of his chief Queen, probably Dhristi, who is described as the wife of the reigning Emperor Khara-vela. The forms of letters, which are later, show an interval between the two records of 30 to 40 years.

In concluding this summary of new data I have now to touch upon the dated portion. The date is found to be there and to correspond to 160 B. C. as formerly stated, but not precisely on the old readings and interpretation. The first of the two expressions which Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji and, after him, I and Mr. R. D. Banerji read as giving the date, really relates to the cost of the "Queen's Shelter ". All the readings of the second expression commencing with Muriyakāla (Muriya era) have been defective. It is curious that after all trials Bhagwan Lal Indraji's conclusion of the record being dated in 160th year in an era of [the Mauryas comes out successfully, although his reading is very greatly modified and his main interpretation entirely rejected (see below). His long experience had pro luced a sort off historical instinct in that great scholar. His grasp of the significance of the expression Muriya-kala, with figures before and after, led him to anticipate the right conclusion.

As to the reading of the text I found that in many places where Bhagwan Lal was wrong, Cunningham had been right. I was greatly struck by this fact and this made me enquire as to the

It is considered that she is unnamed in the inscription. What epigraphists have read as dhutun, seems to me to be Dhut[i]nä which would be another Prakrit form of Dhrishți. She was daughter of Lālāka (Lālārka), who was son of Hastin, who again was son of Hamsa. This last has been missed by the editors of the inscription (E. I., XIII, 159). It has been erroneously read with the preceding Hathisa, from which it is really separated by space. The anusvara on Ha is very very clearly incised. The supposed name Hathisahasa would be absurd, meaning a coward'. The words are to be read (and I read them on the spot): L[A]lakasa Hathisa Hamsa-papotasa.

In the lower building the inscription is of the successor; the construction shows that the lower building could have been built after the Queen's (upper) house. In the lower one the reigning King is Kadepa (= Kandarpa) (or Küdepa?). The space before the name was mistaken by Bhagwan Lal to represent another letter.

materials on which that scholar worked. I noticed that he had the help of the cast once prepared by Locke. This fact and the decaying condition of the rock made me propose to the Govern-› ment to have a new and careful cast prepared. With the help of that and after a further study on the rock, I hope to fill up many of the remaining lacunæ in this record.

Philologically the record, but for a few exceptions, entirely corresponds to the canonical Pali. This fact proves the early age of the canonical language of Ceylon. The three instances of the words ending in num (line 15) are probably an early trace of Jain Prakritism. The occurrence of Vedic terms (bilma, abhisamaya, maha, etc.) is proof of their being still in common use.

It was formerly considered that no conjunct letters occur in this inscription. This is now proved to be erroneous. Owing to the former view, the unsuspected conjunct letters gave a lot of trouble in decipherment. Letters ñ, dh and have been found which had not been recognized before. An important system has been noticed in writing omitted letters are inscribed below the line and the omission is indicated by a caret-mark which the manuscript-writers call kaka-päd. Anusvāra is at times inscribed on the left side of the letter as in the Jaugarh inscription of Asoka. There is probably a case of mistake in engraving (yovená instead of yovaná, l. 2). Another probable mistake is in line 16 (l-stroke in vochhimnem.)

The faint letters are sometimes very illusive. But if the chisel-mark is felt and traced by finger, right conclusion is secured. I am glad to say here that the rock does not seem to have appreciably decayed since the time of Prinsep. Just below the writing the roof of the rock has very much decayed; the inscribed portion seems to have decayed least. There are holes constructed on the top of the first line which seem to show that some effort at preservation was probably made in ancient days by attaching a cover to the inscription.

The inscription when filled in with ink could be read from the floor which evidently retains its original level. The cave was cut very likely to serve the purpose of an assembly

hall (see below). A Sanskrit rendering, adhering to the text as much as possible, is given below along with the text. This would be found useful by those who are not familiar with Pali words and constructions. It also shows the value I give to each expression.

The corrections and the notes are to be read with reference to the text and discussion already published in this Journal (III. 425). They are put in a form which is supplementary to the main articles already published. The figures in brackets indicate the pages of my articles in volume III of this Journal on the Hathigumpha inscription. In the revision below where no translation is given it is to be assumed that the correction does not change the meaning and the old translation stands.

To verify corrections reference should be made to plate I published in volume III (473). Fresh impressions of two passages only which contain additional words are printed herewith. Taking impression of this inscription is very difficult, and I fully realized it only when I had a few slips reproduced. Great credit is due to Mr. Banerji for preparing the impression which was published in this Journal referred to above.

(6) The meaning is not materially changed. With the preceding word, which is definitely thuṇa, it means:

"in whom is deposited the quality of being the support

of the whole land" (see 461).

There is space before Siri Khāra-velena. Owing to abrasions the space is not easily noticeable in the fac-simile (facing III., 472). As already explained (III., 478) space is left in the inscription before important proper names.*

(c) The mark like e-stroke in the impression (see plate III., 472) is the result of abrasion.

=

(d) tadāni Skt. talānim,' then '. Compare it with cha'dāni in line 6.

yovan' appears like yoven'.

The translation of the sentence no v will be :'having completed the twenty-fourth year, he, then, who for the rest of his manhood made ever-increasing victories.'‡ •Correct misprint in Kalimgádhipatină (III, 453) where the accent on a after g is dropped.

+ Misprinted (III, 453) as ganaṇī.

‡ Instead of “as the twenty-fourth year was complete, he, who for the rest of his manhood made conquests which were accompanied with gifts and obɛe vi ce of dharma" (III, 461).