qualifies the preceding mande, which in the Lalita-vistara means a covered seat (page 476, also chapter XIX). Evidently it stands there for mandaps. The manda, or tho covered seat," built by the previous king (or 'kings'), of thick and high wheels and timbers" was the precursor of the presentday, huge temple-car of Orissa. It was used for leading in procession the samghata or statue of Ketu-bhadra. The verb (ni-krish, to draw ', ' to pull ") employed in the sentence for leading in procession, is really the same which is used to-day to express the 'drawing' of the procession car. The Jains in Upper India, when they take out their Tīrthǹkaras in procession, either on shoulders of men or on cars, still use the same verb (nikās, nikāl). It was originally employed in connexion with car-processions.

2

In view of Lüders' opinion that the king had some place founded by former kings, perhaps Pithuḍaga, ploughed with a plough (L.B.I, p. 161), I minutely scrutinized this passage on the rock and its grouping of letters. As if anticipating the confusion in which Lüders has fallen, the writer (or the writer-engraver) left no room for controversy by leaving distinct space between namgale and nekā sayati, dividing them into two words. If this precaution had not been adopted, one could have alternatively read namgalena kāsayati, ploughs with a plough'. Fortunately that possibility is negatived by the rock.*

The translation of the whole sentence would be in these words :

(In the eleventh year) he has led out in procession, on the covered seat made by the previous king, of thick and high wheels and timbers, the object of national reputation (or devotion), that immortal statue, in tikta (Nim) wood, of Ketu Bhadra, who flourished thirteen centuries (back)

ور

*Even if there had been no space the misreading could have been detected owing to the absurdities it leads an interpreter into. Ploughing' must be with a plough and the latter would be needlessly mentioned; then samgbātam, the object would have been left without a verb to govern it, or if it was that which was ploughed then the king' ploughed' an idol of the nation (jana-pada-bhāvanam), the object of national attachment or national reputation.

The rule of Paṇini, mūrtau ghanah, III, 3, 77, is a further confirmation of the view that samghāla means a statue. After giving the general rule (III, 3, 76) that han, to strike,' is transformed into badha, Panini says (III, 3, 77) that where 'image' is meant the same suffix would produce ghana (instead of badha), that is, gha-form (ghatva) obtains in the sense of image (murti) that from han with ghatva-ädesa we would get words for an image or statue. This is exactly the case in samghata. (b) Tiktamara would be taken together (statue of tiktamāra wood'), if there was a tree tikta-amara (cf. tiktāmṛıta).

Bhāvana reputation, consideration (Pali).

It is evident that the opening portion of the line contained the text giving In the eleventh year,' which would have covered space for some eight letters. The lost letters thus would be only about two. But for them the whole sentence is now recovered and explained.

(e) There would be a slight change in meaning: instead of causing consternation' (464), we should read' he causes

(a) The mark on the top of gå in Gamgaya in the impression is deceptive. It is no part of the letter. The passage now means: "he effects the crossing of the Ganges on (his) elephants " The army crossed the Ganges from the northern side to Patna, putting the elephants to the use of military pontoons, a use noticed by political writers of Hindu times. Compare:

सुखेन यानमात्मरक्षा परपुरामदन' पर हविघातो जल घु â g¶dì azaleraz za'fantegaaŵfa gf@yur: 11

Somadeva, 22.

setu-bandha 'bridging across' indicates that elephants were trained to remain steady in rivers and allow soldiers to walk

over.

(b) The rock decided that the name is spelt as B ahasati not Bahapati. Mr. Panday kindly took for me a cast of the letters on plaster of Paris, which has been now presented to the Patna Museum. The rock shows that the supposed u-mark to ha is no part of the letter. The letter which Mr. Banerji and I had taken to be a pa is really a blurred sa.

(c) That an impression after all is a poor substitute for the original is once more proved by the history of the reading of the passage Kalimga-Jina. The lower portion of ka was not visible in the impression, with the consequence that the upper part naturally presented a clear na (and with abrasion marks, a ni !). The next letter (li) had not been even remotely detected (Cunningham reading in its place a ma, while Bhagwan Lal Indraji, Banerji and myself, an a!). On the rock, on the other hand, it cannot be easily mistaken. I publish herewith a fresh impression of the passage. The impression had the further advantage of reproducing the letters next following Kalimga-Jina. They give the much needed information as to what it was of " the Jina of Kalimga" that had been carried away by King Nanda from Orissa to Magadha, which, now 300 years later, Khāra-vela triumphantly brought back to his capital along with the riches of Anga and Maghdha. It was the Jina's samnivesam which means a 'form', 'figure', 'appearance' (see Monier-Williams). The recovered trophy was thus a representation, an image, of the Trithankara, called here the 'Kalingan Jina'. As to the 'Kalingan Jina' the question arises: what is meant by the expression? Does it mean that the particular Jina was associated with Kalinga, and if so, which was he out of the twenty-four Jinas or Tirthan

*

* The last sa has not come out well in the facsimile; it is much clearer in the impression.

kāras? Pársvanatha is related to have preached to the people of Tamralipti, and I was inclined to connect him with the 'Kalinga Jina' of Kharavela. But a new aspect is put on the question by what a learned Jain ascetic has to say on the subject. Muni Jinavijaya (at present at Poona) who has often obliged me by his valued opinion on subjects of our common study, says that it is a practice, still prevalent, to designate the image of a particular Tīrthankara after the name of the locality of the establishment. The First Tirthankara (Rishabhadeva) at Śatruñjaya, for instance, is called 'the Śatruñjaya Jina;' similarly the image at Abu is called 'the Arbuda Jina,' and the one at Dhulew (Mewar) is called the Dhulew Jina.

In view of this practice it is not necessary that the Kalinga Jina must have been a Jina associated with Kalinga in his life history. The expression may denote merely the Jina image which was worshipped in Kalinga or at the Kalingan capital. One of the cave-buildings-the Ananta guhāwhich bears a mutilated Brahmi inscription belonging to the period of or before Khāravela, is to be taken as dedicated to Pārsvanatha, for it is distinguished by his conventional symbol serpents at the door. But at the same time another rock-cut building of the same period, the Jaya-Vijaya, has the Bodhi-tree of the Mahāvīra, the Vața tree, which is being worshipped in the sculpture.* Simha or lion is the symbol of the last prophet. It appears on the Jaina stupa of the Mahāyīra at Mathura. The Jaya-Vijaya has also got the lion. This symbol is found even on the doorway arches of the Anantaguha itself which, as I have said above, bears also serpents, beautifully carved. The cave was thus most probably dedicated jointly to the last two Tirthankaras. Prominence of the lion on the Jaya-Vijaya and Anantaguha and on the columns of several buildings (see collection in Plate XXIV, Antiquities of Orissa, Vol. II) would, in my opinion, indicate that the hill was sacred mainly to the memory of the Last Tirthankara.

*This has been pointed out by my revered friend Muni Jinavijaya in his Gujrati book Prachina Jaina Lekha-Sangraha, I.

(c) Abhutamachhariyam

(d) hathi-nāvana † parīpu

ram upadenha

(e) haya-hathi-ratanā[-mā] nikam

Pamda-rajā edāni anekani

mutamaṇi-ratanāni

aharā

payati idha sata[ sa?] [•]

ta jāṭhara-lekhilan (i) barăni

sihārāni nivesayati

sata-vasu-[dana]-[pa]rihārena*

Abhūtamach chh Jariyam hathīnāvaua parīhāram ....... dena

haya-hathi-ratana [ janāna ?]

Pamḍarāja [ cha] ............... maņi ratanāni aharāpayati idha sata[sa]

(b) Sata-visikanam parihārena with passage (a), should be translated as follows:

“He builds .........................excellent towers with carved interior, by making land-grants to hundred artists."

Siharāni (Skt. Śikharāni) I have translated by 'towers'. Most probably sikha ra denoted a particular style of building.

Visikanam: this word may be compared with the āvesanî of inscriptions, which has been translated as 'foreman of artisans', and with vesika ('art'), of the Lalitavistara. visika (= Skt.vaisika) would mean an artist. The visikas referred to here are evidently the chief artists who carved the sikharas.

(c) to (e) Abhuta stands for adbhuta, 'wonderful' (not abhuta, unprecedented").

With the lacunæ now filled up the sentence would be thus translated:

"And, he causes to be brought here, from the Paṇḍya King tribute presents (upadenha), being the wonderful and marvellous cargo [lit.fill'] of elephant-ships: choice horses and choice elephants and rubies, as well as numerous jewel pearls".

*Misprinted as pariharena [m].

+There is a hole in the rock after hathi and another one after navanā; the engraver has avoided them.