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the nation. Even where there is no immediate intention of constructing irrigation works it is well to establish this principle. Otherwise vested rights may be allowed to spring up, which it may be necessary in after years to buy out at a heavy cost.

Modes of Distributing and Assessing Water. Where the river is too inconsiderable to be proclaimed as national property, and where there is no question of spreading the water broadcast over the land, but of bestowing it with minute accuracy over small areas to rear valuable plants, such as fruit-trees, it may be very well left to local societies or to syndicates of farmers to manage their own affairs. Where irrigation is on a larger scale, and its administration is a matter of national importance, the control of the water requires the closest consideration, especially if, as is usually the case, the area which may be irrigated exceeds the volume of water available to irrigate it, and where the water is delivered to the fields by gravitation without the labour of raising it. It must be decided on what principle the farmer's right to the water is to be determined. Is he to obtain water in proportion to the area of his land which is irrigable? If part of the irrigable land is not yet cultivated, is some of the supply to be reserved for such land? Is he to pay in proportion to the area actually watered each crop, or to the area which he might water if he chose? Where the slope of the land is sufficient to allow the water to flow freely out of a sluice into the field channel, it is not difficult to measure the water discharged. Modules have been invented for this purpose, and the owner of the field may be required to pay for so many cubic feet of water delivered. The Government or the association owning the canal will then have nothing to do with the way in which the water is employed, and self-interest will force the farmer to exercise economy in flooding his land. But even then precautions must be taken to prevent him from keeping his sluice cpen when it should be shut.

In Italy and in America water is generally charged by the module; but in many cases, where the country is very flat, the water cannot fall with a free drop out of the sluice, and, as far as I know, no satisfactory module has yet been invented for delivering a constant discharge through a sluice when the head of water in the channel of supply is subject to variation. These are the conditions prevailing in the plains of Northern India, where there is a yearly area of canal irrigation of about six millions of acres. The cultivator pays not in proportion to the volume of water he uses, but on the area he waters every crop, the rate being higher or lower according as the nature of the crop demands more or less water.

The procedure of charging for water is, then, as follows: When the crop is nearly ripe the canal watchman, with the village accountant and the farmers interested, go over the fields with a Government official. The watchman points out a field which he says has been watered. The accountant, who has a map and field-book of the village, states the number and the area of the field and its cultivator. These are recorded along with the nature of the crop watered. If the cultivator denies that he has received water, evidence is heard and the case is settled. A bill is then made out for each cultivator, and the amount is recovered with the taxes.

This system is perfectly understood, and works fairly well in practice. But it is not a satisfactory one. It holds out no inducement to the cultivator to economise water, and it leaves the door open to a great deal of corruption among the canal watchmen and the subordinate revenue officials.

Government Control of Water Supply.

Where the subject agricultural population is unfitted for representative government it is best that the Government should construct and manage the irrigation, on rules carefully considered and rigorously enforced, through the agency of officers absolutely above suspicion of corruption or unfair dealing. Such is the condition in Egypt and in the British possessions in India. Objections to it are evident enough. Officials are apt to be formal and in

elastic, and they are often far removed from any close touch with the cultivating classes. But they are impartial and just, and I know of no other system that has not still greater defects.

Even if the agricultural classes in India were much better educated than they are, it would still be best that the control of the irrigation should rest with the Government. By common consent it is the Government alone that rules the army. Now the irrigation works form a great army, of which the first duty is to fight the grim demon of famine. Their control ought, therefore, to rest with the Government; but the conditions are very different when the agricultural classes are well educated and well fitted to manage their own affairs.

Irrigation is too new and experimental in America for us to look there for a well-devised scheme of water control. The laws and rules on the subject vary in different States, and are often contradictory. It is better to look at the system evolved after long years in North Italy.

The Italian System.

I have already alluded to the great Cavour Canal in Piedmont. This fine work was constructed by a syndicate of English and French capitalists, to whom the Government gave a concession in 1862. Circumstances to which I need not allude ruined this company, and the Government, who already had acquired possession of many other irrigation works in Piedmont, took over the whole Cavour Canal in 1874, a property valued at above four millions sterling, and ever since the Government has adminis tered it.

The chief interest of this administration centres on the Irrigation Association West of the Sesia,' an association that owes its existence to the great Count Cavour. Ir takes over from the Government the control of all the irrigation effected by the Cavour and other minor canals within a great triangle lying between the left bank of the Po and the right bank of the Sesia. The association purchases from the Government from 1250 to 1300 rubic feet per second. In addition to this it has the control of all the water belonging to private canals and private rights, which it purchases at a fixed rate. Altogether it distributes about 2275 cubic feet per second, and irrigates therewith about 141,000 acres, of which rice is the most important crop. The association has 14,000 members,

and controls 9600 miles of distributary channels. In each parish is a council, or, as it is called, a consorzio, composed of all landowners who take water. Each consorzio elects one or two deputies, who form a sort of waterparliament. The deputies are elected for three years, and receive no salary. The assembly of deputies elects three committees the direction-general, the committee of surveillance, and the council of arbitration. The first of these committees has to direct the whole distribution of the waters, to see to the conduct of the employés, &c. The committee of surveillance has to see that the direction-general does its duty. The council of arbitration, which consists of three members, has most important duties. To it may be referred every question connected with water-rates, all disputes between members of the association or between the association and its servants, all cases of breaches of rule or of discipline. It may punish by fines any member of the association found ar fault, and the sentences it imposes are recognised as obligatory, and the offender's property may be sold up to carry them into effect. An appeal may be made within fifteen days from the decisions of this council of arbitration to the ordinary law courts, but so popular is the council that, as a matter of fact, such appeals are never made.

To effect the distribution of the water the area irrigated is divided into districts, in each of which there is an overseer in charge and a staff of guards to see to the opening and closing of the modules which deliver the water into the minor watercourses. In the November (4 each year each parish sends in to the direction-general an indent of the number of acres of each description of

1 See Mr. Elwood Mead's "Report on Irrigation in Northern Italy." Trinted for the Department of Agriculture, Washington, 1904.

crop proposed to be watered in the following year. If the water is available the direction-general allots to each parish the number of modules necessary for this irrigation; but it may quite well happen that the parish may demand more than can be supplied, and may have to substitute a crop like wheat, requiring little water, for rice, which requires a great deal.

The Government executes and pays for all repairs on the main canals. It further executes, at the cost of the Irrigation Association, all repairs on the minor canals. The association, then, has no engineers in its employ, but a large staff of irrigators. The irrigation module employed in Piedmont is supposed to deliver 2.047 cubic feet per second. The Association West of the Sesia buys from the Government what water it requires at a rate fixed at 800 liras per module, or 15l. 125. 7d. per cubic foot per second per annum.

The association distributes the water by module to each district, and the district by module to each parish. Inside the parish each farmer pays, according to the area he waters, a sum to cover all the cost of the maintenance of the irrigation system, and his share of the sum which the association has to pay to the Government. This sum varies from year to year according as the working expenses of the year increase or diminish.

I have already mentioned the recently constructed Villoresi Canal in Lombardy. This canal belongs to a company, to whom the Government has given large concessions. This company sells its water wholesale to four districts, each having its own secondary canal, the cubic metre per second, or 35-31 cubic feet per second, being the unit employed. These districts, again, retail the water to groups of farmers termed comizios, whose lands are watered by the same distributary channels, their unit being the litre, or 0.035 cubic foot, per second. Within the comizio the farmer pays according to the number of hours per week that he has had the full discharge of the module.

I have thought it worth while to describe at some length the systems employed on these Italian canals, for the Italian farmers set a very high example, in the loyal way in which they submit to regulations which there must at times be a great temptation to break. A sluice surreptitiously opened during a dark night, and allowed to run for six hours, may quite possibly double the value of the crop which it waters. It is not an easy matter to distribute water fairly and justly between a number of farms at different levels, dependent on different watercourses, cultivating different crops. But in Piedmont this is done with such success that an appeal from the council of arbitration to the ordinary law courts is unheard of. It is thought apparently as discreditable to appropriate an unfair supply of water as to steal a neighbour's horse, as discreditable to tamper with the lock of the water module as with the lock of a neighbour's barn.

Mr. Schuyler's Views as to Government Control. Where such a high spirit of honour prevails I do not see why syndicates of farmers should not construct and maintain a good system of irrigation. Nevertheless, I believe it is better that Government should take the initiative in laying out and constructing the canals and secondary channels at least. A recent American author, Mr. James Dix Schuyler, has put on record: "That storage reservoirs are a necessary and indispensable adjunct to irrigation development, as well as to the utilisation of power, requires no argument to prove. That they will become more and more necessary to our Western civilisation is equally sure and certain; but the signs of the times seem to point to the inevitable necessity of Governmental control in their construction, ownership, and administration.

This opinion should not be disregarded. Sir W. Willcocks has truly remarked: "If private enterprise cannot succeed in irrigation works of magnitude in America, it will surely not succeed in any other country in this world." What its chances may be in South Africa I leave to my hearers to say. It is not a subject on which a stranger can form an opinion.

SECTION H.

ANTHROPOLOGY.

OPENING ADDRESS BY A. C. HADDON, Sc.D., F.R.S., PRESIDENT OF THE SECTION.

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THERE are various ways in which man can study himself, and it is clearly impossible for me to attempt to give an exposition of all the aims and methods of the anthropological sciences; I propose, therefore, to limit myself to a general view of South African ethnology, incidentally referring to a few of the problems that strike a European observer as needing further elucidation. It seems what presumptuous in one who is now for the first time visiting this continent to venture to address a South African audience on local ethnology, but I share this disability with practically all students of anthropology at home, and my excuse lies in the desire that I may be able to point out to you some of the directions in which the information of anthropologists is deficient, with the hope that this may be remedied in the immediate future.

Men are naturally apt to take an exclusive interest in their immediate concerns, and even anthropologists are liable to fall into the danger of studying men's thoughts and deeds by themselves, without taking sufficient account of the outside influences that affect mankind.

In the sister science of zoology, it is possible to study animals as machines which are either at rest or in motion: when they are thus studied individually, the subjects are termed anatomy and physiology; when they are studied comparatively, they are known as comparative anatomy or morphology and comparative physiology. The study of the genesis of the machine is embryology, and palæontologists, as it were, turn over the scrap-heap. All these sciences can deal with animals irrespective of their environment, and perhaps for intensive study such a limitation is temporarily desirable, but during the period of greatest specialisation there have always been some who have followed in the footsteps of the field naturalist, and to-day we are witnessing a combination of the two lines of study.

Biology has ceased to be a mixture of necrology and physiology; it seeks to obtain a survey of all the conditions of existence, and to trace the effects of the environment on the organism, of the organism on the environment, and of organism upon organism. Much detailed work will always be necessary, and we shall never be able to do without isolated laboratory work; but the day is past when the amassing of detailed information will satisfy the demands of science. The leaders, at all events, will view the subject as a whole, and so direct individual labour that the hewers of wood and drawers of water, as it were, shall not mechanically amass material of which no immediate use can be made, but they will be so directed that all their energies can be exercised in solving definite problems or in filling up gaps in our information, with knowledge which is of real importance.

This tendency, which I have indicated as affecting the science of zoology, is merely one phase of an attitude of mind that is influencing many departments of thought. There are psychologists and theologians who deem it worth while to find out what other people think and believe. Arm-chair philosophers are awakening to the fact that their studies have hitherto been confined almost exclusively to the most highly specialised conditions, and that in order to comprehend these fully it is necessary to study the less and the yet less specialised conditions; for it is only possible to gain the true history of mind or belief by a combination of the observational with the comparative method. A considerable amount of information has already been acquired, but in most departments of human thought and belief vastly more information is needed, and hitherto the trustworthiness of a great deal that has been published is not above suspicion.

The comparative or evolutionary historian also needs trustworthy facts concerning the social condition of varied peoples in all stages of culture. The documentary records of history are too imperfect to enable the whole story to be unravelled, so recourse must be had to a study of analogous conditions elsewhere for side-lights which will cast illuminating beams into the dark corners of ancient history. When the historian seriously turns his attention

to the mass of data accumulated in books of travel, in records of expeditions, or the assorted material in the memoirs of students, he will doubtless be surprised to find how much there is that will be of service to him.

Sociologists have not neglected this field, but they need more information and more exhaustive and precise analyses of existing conditions. The available material is of such importance and interest, that the pleasure of the reader is apt to dull his critical faculty; as a matter of fact, the social conditions of extremely few peoples are accurately known, and sooner or later-generally sooner-the student finds his authorities failing him from lack of thoroughness. I have alluded to the subjects of psychology, theology, history, and sociology, because they all overlap that area over which the anthropologist prowls. Indeed it is our work to collect, sift, and arrange the facts which may be utilised by our colleagues in these other branches of inquiry, and to this extent the ethnologist is also a psychologist, a theologian, a historian, and a sociologist.

Similarly the anthropographer provides material for the biologist on the one hand, and for the geographer on the other.

As a general rule those who have investigated any given people in the field have alluded to the general features of the country they inhabit, so that usually it is possible to gain some conception of them in their natural surroundings. Thus, to a certain extent, materials are available for tracing that interaction between life and environment and between organisms themselves, to which the term Ecology is now frequently applied, but we still need to have this interdependence more recognised in such branches of inquiry as descriptive sociology or religion.

Just as the arts and crafts of a people are influenced by their environment, so is their social life similarly affected, and their religion reflects the stage of social culture to which they have attained; for it must never be overlooked that the religious conceptions of a people cannot be thoroughly understood apart from their social, cultural, and physical conditions.

This may appear a trite remark, but I would like to emphasise the fact that very careful and detailed studies of definite or limited areas are urgently needed, rather than a general description of a number of peoples which does not exhaust any one of them-in a word, what we now need is thoroughness.

Three main groups of indigenous peoples inhabit South Africa-the Bushmen, the Hottentots, and various Bantu tribes; in more northerly parts of the continent there are the Negrilloes, commonly spoken of as Pygmies, the Negroes proper, and Hamitic peoples, not to speak of Arab and Semitic elements.

Kattea.

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Before proceeding further I must here make allusion to an obscure race who may possibly be the true aborigines of Africa south of the Zambesi. These are the Katteaor Vaalpens, as they are nicknamed by the Boers, on account of the dusty colour their abdomen acquires from the habit of creeping into their holes in the ground-who live in the steppe region of the North Transvaal, as far as the Limpopo. As their complexion is almost a pitchblack, and their stature only about 1-220 m. (4 ft.), they are quite distinct from their tall Bantu neighbours and from the yellowish Bushmen. The "Dogs, "Vultures, as the Zulus call them, are the lowest of the low, being undoubtedly cannibals and often making a meal of their own aged and infirm, which the Bushmen never do. Their habitations are holes in the ground, rock shelters, and lately a few hovels. They have no arts or industries, nor even any weapons except those obtained in exchange for ostrich feathers, skins, or ivory. Whether they have any religious ideas it is impossible to say, all intercourse being restricted to barter carried on in a gesture language, for nobody has ever yet mastered their tongue, all that is known of their language being that it is absolutely distinct from that of both the Bushman and the Bantu. There are no tribes, merely little family groups of from thirty to fifty individuals, each of which is presided over by a headman, whose functions are acquired, not by heredity, but by personal qualities. I

have compiled this account of this most interesting people from Prof. A. H. Keane's book, "The Boer States," in the hope that a serious effort will be made to investigate what appears to be the most primitive race of all mankind. So little information is available concerning the Kattea that it is impossible to say anything about their racial affinities.

Perhaps these are the people referred to by Stow (p. 40), and possibly allied to these are the dwarfs on the Nosop River mentioned by Anderson; these were 1-125 m. (4 ft. 4 in.) or less in height, of a reddish-brown colour, with no forehead and a projecting mouth; Anderson's Masara Bushmen repudiated any suggestion of relationship with them, saying they were monkes, not men."

Bushmen.

The San, or Bushmen (Bosjesman of colonial annals), may, with the possible exception of the Kattea, be regarded as the most primitive of the present inhabitants of South Africa; according to most authors, there is no decisive evidence that there was an earlier aboriginal population, although M. G. Bertin informs us that Bushman tales always speak of previous inhabitants.

The main physical characteristics of the Bushmen are a yellow skin, and very short, black, woolly hair, which becomes rolled up into little knots; although of quite short stature, with an average height of 1529 m. (5 ft. 0 in.), or, according to Schinz, 1570 m. (5 ft. 1 in.), they are above the pygmy limit of 1-450 m. (4 ft. 9 in.). The very small skull is not particularly narrow, being what is termed sub-dolichocephalic, with an index of about 75, and it is markedly low in the crown; the face is straight, with prominent cheekbones and a bulging forehead; the nose is extremely broadindeed, the Bushmen are the most platyrrhine of all mankind; the ear has an unusual form, and is without the lobe. Their hands and feet are remarkably small.

Being nomadic hunters the Bushmen could only attain to the rudiments of material culture. The dwellings were portable, mat-covered, dome-shaped huts, but they often lived in caves; the Zulus say "their village is where they kill game; they consume the whole of it and go away. Clothing consisted solely of a small skin; for weapons they had small bows and poisoned arrows. Their only imple ment was a perforated rounded stone into which a stick was inserted; this was used for digging up roots. A very little coarse pottery was occasionally made. Although with a great dearth of personal ornaments, they had a fair amount of pictorial skill, and were fond of decorating their rock shelters with spirited coloured representations of men and animals. They frequently cut off the terminal joint of a little finger. They never were cannibals. Cairn of stones were erected over graves. Although they are generally credited with being vindictive, passionate, and cruel, they were as a matter of fact always friendly and hospitable to strangers until dispossessed of their hunting grounds. They did not fight one another, but were an unselfish, merry, cheerful race with an intense love of freedom.

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A great mass of unworked material exists for the elucidation of the religious ideas, legends, customs, and forth, of the Bushmen, in the voluminous native texts, filling eighty-four volumes, to the collection of which the late Dr. Bleek devoted his laborious life. This wonderful collection of the folklore of one of the most interesting of peoples still remains inaccessible to students in the Grey Library in Cape Town. A more enlightened policy in the past would have enabled Dr. Bleek to publish he own material; now the task is complicated by the great difficulty of finding competent translators and of securing the services of trustworthy natives who know their o folklore. The time during which this labour can be ade quately accomplished is fleeting rapidly, and once the Government must be urged to complete and publish the life-work of this devoted scholar.

The Mañanja natives, who live south of Lake Shirwa assert that formerly there lived on the upper plateau the mountain mass of Mlanje a people they call Arung or gods," who from their description must have bBushmen. Relics of Bushman occupation have been feare in the neighbourhood of Lakes Nyassa and Tanganyika

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West of the Arangi plateau in German East Africa, between the steppes occupied by the Wanyamwezi and the Masai, live the Wasandawi, a settled hunting people who, according to Baumann, are very different from the surrounding Bantu peoples, and who are allied to the more primitive, wandering, hunting Wanege, or Watindiga, of the steppes near Usukuma. They use the bow and poisoned arrow. Their language, radically distinct from Bantu, is full of those strange click sounds which are characteristic of Bushman speech; but Sir Harry Johnston says that he does not know if any actual relationship has been pointed out in the vocabulary, and he distinctly states that the Sandawi are not particularly like the Bushmen in their physique, but more resemble the Nandi; and Virchow declares there is no relationship between the Wasandawi and the Hottentot in skull-form. Until further evidence is collected, one can only say that there may have been a Bushman people here who have become greatly modified by intermixture with other races. Sir Harry Johnston thinks that possibly traces of these people still exist among the flat-faced, dwarfish Doko, who live to the north of Lake Stephanie, and he is inclined to think that traces of them occur also among the Andorobo and Elgunono.

If the foregoing evidence should prove to be trustworthy, it would seem that at a very early time the Bushmen occupied the hunting grounds of tropical East Africa, perhaps even to the confines of Abyssinia. They gradually passed southwards, keeping along the more open grass lands of the eastern mountainous zone, where they could still preserve their hunting method of life, until, at the dawn of history, they roamed over all the territory south of the Zambesi, with the exception of the eastern seaboard.

Negrilloes.

Material does not at present exist for an exhaustive discussion of the exact relationship between the Bushmen and the Negrilloes of the Equatorial forests. On the whole I am inclined to agree with Sir Harry Johnston, who says: "I can see no physical features other than dwarfishness which are obviously peculiar to both Bushmen and Congo Pygmies. On the contrary, in the large and often protuberant eyes, the broad flat nose with its exaggerated alæ, the long upper lip and but slight degree of eversion of the inner mucous surface of the lips, the abundant hair on head and body, relative absence of wrinkles, of steatopygy, and of high protruding cheekbones, the Congo dwarf differs markedly from Hottentot-Bushman type." Shrubsall had previously stated: "For the present I can only say that the data seem to me too insufficient to enable the affinities of the various pygmy races to be clearly demonstrated, or to allow of much significance being attached to any apparent resemblance.' Deniker also directs attention the physical characters that distinguish those two types, and he concludes that "nothing justifies their unification."

Hottentots.

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The skin of the Hottentots, or Khoikhoi, as they style themselves, is of a brownish-yellow, with a tinge of grey, sometimes of red; the hair is very similar to that of the Bushmen; the average stature is 1-604 m. (5 ft. 3 in.); the head is small and distinctly dolichocephalic (74), the jaws prognathic, cheekbones prominent, and chin small. Shrubsall, who has investigated the osteological evidence, says no hard-and-fast line can be drawn from craniological evidence between Hottentots and Bushmen on the one hand and Negroid races on the other, various transitional forms being found; but Bushman characteristics undoubtedly predominate in the true Hottentots.

The Hottentots were grouped in clans, each with its hereditary chief, whose authority, however, was very limited. Several clans were loosely united to form tribes. Their principal property consisted of horned cattle and sheep; the former were very skilfully trained. The dwellings were portable, mat-covered, dome-shaped huts. For weapons they had a feeble bow with poisoned arrows, but they also had assegais and knobkerries or clubbed sticks used as missiles; coarse pottery was made. They were often described as mild and amiable.

The Hottentot migration from the eastern mountainous

zone took place very much later than that of the Bushmen, and it seems to have been due mainly to the pressure from behind of the waxing Bantu peoples. These pastoral nomads took a south-westerly course across the savanna country, and if the tsetse fly had the same distribution then as now they probably, more or less, followed the right bank of the Zambesi, then struck across to the Kunene north of the desert land, and worked their way down the west coast and along the southern shore of the continent.

What is now Cape Colony was inhabited solely by Bushmen and Hottentots at the time of the arrival of the Europeans. As the latter expanded they drove the aborigines before them, but in the meantime mongrel peoples had arisen, mainly of Boer-Hottentot parentage, who also were forced to migrate. Those of the Cape Hottentots who were not exterminated or enslaved drifted north and found in Bushman Land an asylum from their pursuers. The north-east division of the Hottentots comprises the Koranna, or Goraqua; they were an important people, despite the fact that they had no permanent home. They migrated along the Orange River-one section went up the right bank of the Harts and the other went up the Vaal until they were deflected by the Bechuana. When the Boers in 1858 were engaged with the Basuto, the Koranna devastated the Orange Free State, but were themselves ultimately destroyed. The original home of the Griqua was in the neighbourhood of the Olifant River; in the middle of the eighteenth century the colonists settled in the land, and as a result the Griqua-Bastards retreated to the east under the leadership of the talented Adam and Cornelius Kok. They adopted the name Griqua in place of the earlier one of Bastard; one split founded Griqua Town in Griqualand West, but the other went further east and eventually settled east of the Drakensberg, between Natal and Basutoland, and occupied the country devastated by Chaka's wars. Here rose the chief town, Kokstadt, in Griqualand East, where a few Griqua still live. The interesting little nation of the Bastards, descendants of unions between Europeans, mostly Boers, and Hottentot women, now mixes very little with other peoples. They were forced in 1868 to leave their home in Great Bushmanland owing to the ravages of Bushmen and Koranna, and finally, after various wanderings and vicissitudes, they settled as four communities in Great Namaqualand, in German territory. Namaqualand is too

infertile to attract colonists, and thus it forms an asylum for expatriated Hottentots as well as for the Namaqua division of the Hottentots, the original inhabitants of the country.

True Negroes.

One of the most primitive populations of Africa is that of the true, or West Africa, Negroes. At present this element is mainly confined to the Sudan and the Guinea Coast.

The main physical characteristics of the true Negro are: "black" skin, woolly hair, tall stature, averaging about 1730 m. (5-ft. 8 in.), moderate dolichocephaly, with an average cephalic index of 74-75. Flat, broad nose, thick and often everted lips, frequent prognathism.

West African culture contains some characteristic features. The natives build gable-roofed huts; their weapons include spears with socketed heads, bows tapering at each end with bowstrings of vegetable products, swords and plaited shields, but no clubs or slings. Among the musical instruments are wooden drums and a peculiar form of guitar, in which each string has its own support. Clothing is of bark-cloth and palm-fibre, and there is a notable preponderance of vegetable ornaments. Circumcision is common and the knocking out of the upper incisors. With regard to religion, there is a great development of fetishism and incipient polytheistic systems. Colonel Ellis has proved in a masterly manner the gradual evolution of religion from west to east along the Guinea Coast, and this is associated with an analogous progress in the laws of descent and succession to property, and in the rise of government. He further suggests that differences in the physical character of each country in question have played a great part in this progressive evolution. Here also are to be found secret societies, masks and representations of human figures. The ordeal by poison is employed, chiefly for the discovery of witchcraft; anthro

pophagy occurs. The domestic animals are the dog, goat, pig, and hen. Cattle are absent owing to the tsetse fly. The plants originally cultivated were beans, gourds, bananas, and perhaps earth-nuts. Coiled basketry and head-rests are absent.

That branch of the true Negro stock which spake the mother-tongue of the Bantu languages some 3000 years ago (according to Sir Harry Johnston's estimate) spread over the area of what is now Uganda and British East Africa. In the Nile valley these people probably mixed with Negrilloes, and possibly with the most northerly representatives of the Bushmen in the high lands to the east. Here also they came into contact with Hamitic peoples coming down from the north, and their amalgamation constituted a new breed of Negro-the Bantu. We have already seen what are some of the more important physical characteristics of the Negro, Negrillo, and Bushman stocks; it only remains to note in what particulars they were modified by the new blood.

Hamites.

The Hamites are to be regarded as the true indigenous element in North Africa, from Morocco to Somaliland. Two main divisions of this stock are generally recognised : (1) the Northern or Western Hamites (or Mediterranean race of some authors), of which the purest examples are perhaps to be found among the Berbers; and (2) the Eastern Hamites or Ethiopians. These two groups shade into each other, and everywhere a Negro admixture has taken place to a variable extent since very early times. The Hamites are characterised by a skin-colour that varies considerably, being white in the west and various shades of coffee-brown, red-brown, or chocolate in the east; the hair is naturally straight or curly, but usually frizzly in the east. The stature is medium or tall, averaging about 1.670 m. (5 ft. 5 in.) to about 1.708 m. (5 ft. 74 in.); the head is sub-dolichocephalic (75-78); the face is elongated and the profile not prognathous; the nose prominent, thin, straight or aquiline, with narrow nostrils; lips thin or slightly tumid, never everted.

Bantu.

Roughly speaking, the whole of Africa south of the equator, with the exception of the dwindling Bushman and Hottentot elements, is inhabited by Bantu-speaking peoples, who are extremely heterogeneous, but who exhibit sufficient similarities in physical and cultural characteristics to warrant their being grouped together: the true Negro may be regarded as a race; the Bantu are mixed peoples.

It will be noticed that as a rule the Bantu approach the Hamites in those physical characters in which they differ from the true Negroes, and owing to the fact that the physical characters of Semites in the main resemble those of Hamites, any Semitic mixture that may have taken place will tend in the same direction as that of the Hamitic. The diversity in the physical characters of the Bantu is due to the different proportions of mixture of all the races of Africa. What we now require is a thorough investigation of these several elements in as pure a state as possible, and then by studying the various main groups of Bantu peoples their relative amount of racial mixture can be determined.

The physical characteristics of the Bantu vary very considerably. The skin colour is said to range from yellowish-brown to dull slatey-brown, a dark chocolate colour being the prevalent hue. The character of the hair calls for no special remark, as it is so uniformly of the ordinary Negro type. The stature ranges from an average of about 1-640 m. (5 ft. 4 in.) to about 1-715 m. (5 ft. 7 in.). Uniformity rather than diversity of headform would seem to be the great characteristic of the African black races, but a broad-headed element makes itself felt in the population of the forest zone and of some of the upper waters of the Nile Valley. It appears that the broadening of the head is due to mixture with the brachycephalic Negrillo stock, for, whereas the dolichocephals are mainly of tall stature, some of the brachycephals, especially the Aduma of the Ogowe, with a cephalic index of 80-8, are quite short, 1-594 m. (5 ft. 2 in.). The character of the nose is often very useful in discriminating between races in a mixed population, but it has not yet been sufficiently studied in Africa,

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It appears that the Bantu peoples may be roughly divided according to culture into two groups: a western zone, which skirts the West African region and extends through Angola and German West Africa into Cape Colony; and an eastern zone. (1) The western Bantu zone characterised by beehive huts, the absence of circumcision, and the presence of wooden shields (plain or covered with cane-work) in its northern portion, though skin shields occur to the south. (2) In the eastern Bantu zone the huts are cylindrical, with a separate conical roof.

Certain characteristics are typical of the Bantu culture. The natives live in rounded huts with pointed roofs; their weapons comprise spears, in which the head is fastened into the shaft by a spike, bows of equal thickness along their length, with bowstrings of animal products, clubs and skin shields, but slings are usually absent; the clothing is of skin and leather, and there is a predominance of animal ornaments; knocking out the lower incisors is general, circumcision is common, though among the Kafir tribes it seems to be dying out; ancestor-worship is the prevalent form of religion, fetishism and polytheism are undeveloped; masks and representations of human figures are rare, and there are no secret societies; anthropophagy is sporadic and usually temporary; the domestic animals include the dog, goat, and sheep, and cattle are found wherever possible; coiled basketry is made, and head-rests are a characteristic feature.

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M. A. de Préville has drawn a broad line of distinction between the religion of the pastoral Bantu tribes and that of the hunters of the forest belt. The cattle-raisers of the small pastures recognise that the rain and necessary moisture depend on an invisible and supreme power whom they invoke in his location in the sky. His intermediaries are the rain-makers, he has no human form, neither are there idols in the pantheon. In Central Africa there is more than sufficient rain, but rain is of little importance to the hunter. What he requires is to find game, to be able to capture it and to avoid danger; the medicineare not rain-makers, but makers of talismans, amulets, philtres, and charms to attract the game and to ensure its capture. The mysterious depths of the forest, in the impenetrable thickets of which death may lurk at each step, and the isolation which results in social dis organisation, incline the hunter to superstitious terrors. Pasturage is governed by natural impersonal forces, but hunting is individual and personal. Further, associated with the mobile pastoral life of the Bantu is the patriarchal system of family life, respect and veneration for old age, and the autocracy of the chief; no wonder, then, that ancestor-worship has developed, or that it is the chief factor in the religious life of these people.

As I have previously indicated, there is evidence of the former extension to the north of the Hottentots and the Bushmen, they having gradually been pressed first southwards and then into the steppes and deserts of South Africa by the southerly drifting of the Bantu.

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The mixture of Hamite with Negro, which gave rise to the primitive Bantu stock, may have originated somewhere to the east or north-east of the Victoria Nvanza A factor of great importance in the evolution of the Bantu is to be found in the great diversity of climate and soil in Equatorial East Africa. It is a country of small plateaux separated by gorges, or low-lying lands. small plateaux are suitable for pasturage, but their extent is limited; thus they fell to the lot of the more vigorous people, while the conquered had to content themselves with low country, and were obliged to hunt or cultivate the land. In these healthy highlands the people multiplied, and migration became necessary; the stronger and betterorganised groups retained their flocks and migrated in a southerly direction, keeping to the savannas and open country, the line of least resistance being indicated M the relative social feebleness of the peoples to the south In the small plateaux a nomadic life is impossible for the

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