P

A DEAR little princess once lived, long ago, Whose name was Clotilla Rorilla de Bowe.

She was very much like little girls of to-dayFond of dollies and toys, and devoted to play;

She was merry and lively, good-tempered and

sweet,

But one fault she possessed-she could never be neat!

Now, of course, a real princess has playthings galore,

And Clotilla had dollies and toys by the

Score

Many more than were good for her, we are

afraid,

For you never could think how much trouble

they made!

Her lady in waiting worked hard all the day To keep them in order or put them away.

Not one of the beautiful dollies, 't is said, Was properly cuddled and tucked into bed; But they slept on the tables, the chairs, or the floors,

And sometimes were cruelly left out-ofdoors;

And the queen called the dolls' house a

"shocking disgrace!"

For it never had anything kept in its place.

Now, even a princess should learn to be neat, And keep her possessions in order complete; But 't was useless Clotilla Rorilla to scold For she cared not a bit for the things she was told,

But grew more and more careless, till something most strange

Unexpectedly happened her manners to change.

She was playing, one day, with

her toys on the floor

When an odd-looking fairy appeared at the door.

Her wings they were ruffled, her gown was awry,

She'd a scowl on her face, and a cross, frowning eye.

She bowed to the princess, then said, with a leer,

"I'm the fairy Disorder-an old friend, my dear;

You 've called for me often, and now I am here,

And I hope you 're delighted to see me appear!

"A charming surprise I have brought you to-day

A boxful of beautiful silks, bright and gay,

With some lovely gold bobbins on which you can wind, Very smoothly, each color, each shade, of each kind.

"With the greatest of neatness this work

must be done,

And if 't is not completed by set of the sun,
Without any supper just hasten to bed,
And finish the task in the morning, instead."
So saying, the fairy Disorder unlocks
With a tiny gold key a'carved ivory box,
And, smiling maliciously, then disappears,
Leaving Princess Clotilla quite ready for

tears.

"TILL AT LAST, IN DESPAIR, SHE GAVE UP AND CRIED!"

She looked in the box, and 't was perfectly true

That the colors were lovely,-pink, yellow, and blue,

With green, and vermilion, and lilac, and white,

But oh, what a tangle! the snarl was a sight! The loveliest silks, but of no earthly use Until somebody's fingers could order produce!

The princess began, with the best of her skill, The skeins to untwist and the bobbins to fill; But worse grew the tangle, the harder she tried,

Till at last, in despair, she just gave up and cried!

Then, close at her elbow, a soft voice she

hears,

And, looking up eagerly, sees, through her

tears,

A dainty wee fairy, in silvery white,

With a star at the tip of her wand shining

bright,

Who said, "I 'm the good fairy Order, my

dear;

You were wishing to see me, and so I am here!"

"My ill-tempered cousin 's been meddling, I

see;

She always delights to make trouble for me;

WHAT MR. HARDING WANTS TO DO ON December 6, President Harding delivered his address to the new session of Congress. He did not offer a "program of world restoration," but indicated that each nation must solve its own problems, and expressed belief that America could help best by getting its own affairs in order. He spoke of legislation as largely a matter of compromise, and urged liberality and coöperation between the various branches of the Government.

The President spoke strongly about the bill requiring, as a means to encourage American shipping, that our commercial treaties with other Governments be terminated. The Wilson administration had not enforced the act, and Mr. Harding declared that to do so would cause great confusion in trade without gaining any advantage. He said that he was not willing to take such a step, and asked Congress to wait "a very few weeks," until he could propose a different and better plan.

Taking up the tariff, Mr. Harding asked for a "flexible tariff"-that is to say, a law permitting the President himself to decide, with the help of the Tariff Commission, when a rate was unfair, and to make changes in it. The power to fix rates belongs to Congress and to it alone, but the President argued that Congress could authorize him to act as its agent in this particular matter. It was suggested as an emergency plan, to be used during the term of the present unsettled conditions. It is hardly to be supposed that such a suggestion will meet with much favor. While the present system may be slow and clumsy, it is the one we have always been used to-and the suggested change involves placing too much power in the hands of the executive.

A Review of Current Events By EDWARD N. TEALL

The President then, referring to the farmers and their troubles, urged that special attention be given to the marketing and distribution of farm products. This, of course, brought up the subject of freight-rates, and this again led to consideration of labor and wages. Mr. Harding's message did not suggest definite measures to be taken; it was rather a plea for good sense and fair play.

There is a great deal of difference sometimes between a President's message to Congress and the finished work of a congressional session. The President can not say, "This must be done," or, "That shall not be done." He can only tell what he thinks ought to be done, in a general way. Mr. Harding's address boils down to this: "Hold hard, everybody! Play fair; work hard; and be steady!"

"THE GREATEST EVENT IN NINETEEN CENTURIES"

THAT is what Lloyd George said the Washington Conference might be, and that is what it may fairly be said to have been, now that it is over. Even if, in the time between the writing of this and the time of its reading by the great WATCH TOWER family, the early promise of the conference should be seen to have been false even if, instead of a move toward world peace, its final effect should have been harmful, it would still be one of the most remarkable things in the history of mankind.

It is quite impossible to imagine such a fate for the negotiations so auspiciously begun. After the naval-recess program has been adopted, after the relations of the powers to China and of China and Japan to each other have been set on the road to friendliness, it is almost inconceivable that any

thing can be permitted to destroy the good results so swiftly achieved.

But the last week of December began with indications that it would be vital. The idea of bargaining began to appear, and of course that is a dangerous spirit for such a conference. There were disorders in Japan. The Anti-American Young Men's League sang a song of hate about America. But the very name of this organization shows that it existed before the Conference, and that the Conference was only material of the sort it desired. The outbreak in Tokio did not represent the masses of the Japanese people any more than we can suppose that the powerful classes are unanimously for or against the policy of the Government. It was a serious bit of news, but there was no reason to doubt either the ability or the readiness of the Japanese government to take care of it; and as for the "Strafe America" song, surely America could afford to laugh at such futile nonsense as that.

own conference with the Irish delegates scored ahead of Mr. Harding's conference. When Great Britain made, and the Irish delegates accepted, the offer of a place for Ireland in the empire as a Free State, a quarrel centuries old was not settled, to be sure, but brought to a point where it seemed almost inconceivable that anybody could be willing to return to the armed hostilities of a few months ago.

As this number of THE WATCH TOWER was written, the acceptance by the delegates of the Dail had not been officially ratified, and Mr. de Valera was opposing ratification

The Conference had achieved, as this was written, a most admirable record of accomplishment. The fourpower treaty was made fun of by critics who could not see why, after turning down the League, we should enter upon such an agreement. Indeed it is difficult to see any great difference in principle between such an association and the League; but friends of the League had to welcome it as a step in the direction in which they desired to see us travel.

President Harding had a great advantage over President Wilson in having the representatives of the powers meet here in America, where such matters can be handled in a simpler way than is possible in Europe.

THE FREE STATE OF IRELAND MR. LLOYD GEORGE spoke about the possibility that the conference at Washington would prove to be the greatest thing in history since the birth of Christ; but as a step toward clearing away the clouds of hate, his

with all his might even going so far as to accuse the delegates of treason. But there was a very strong party in the Dail that stood stoutly back of the negotiators, and it looked as though the greater part of the people of southern Ireland were too well pleased at the prospect of peace with honor to permit the bitter-enders to prevail and reject the Free State offer.

Ulster, the North of Ireland, would have nothing to do with the Free State idea. It even accused Great Britain of dishonorable dealing, and the charge. was made that Mr. Lloyd George had betrayed England's friends in order to obtain peace with its enemies. In case of rejection by Ulster, North Ireland was to retain its separate parliament and continue in its previous relation to Great Britain.