mistice, shall be paid at the head-quarters by the paymaster-general of the army.

IX. Officers of the staff shall be appointed on either side to regulate in concert the general line of demarcation, respecting points which shall not be determined by running water, and respecting which there may arise any difficulty.

X. All the movements of the troops shall be so regulated, that each ariny shall occupy its new line on the 12th June (31st May). All the corps,

or parts, of the combined army, which may be beyond the Elbe or in Saxony, shall return into Prussia.

XI. Officers of the French and combined armies shall be dispatched conjointly, to cause hostilities to cease on all points, and make the armistice known. The respective commanders in chief shall furnish them with the necessary powers.

XII. On both sides two commissaries, general officers, shall be appointed to watch over the stipulations of the present armistice. They shall remain in the line of neutrality at Neumarkt, to decide upon such disputes as may occur.

These commissaries shall proceed there within twenty-four hours, in order to expedite officers and orders that may be sent in consequence of the present armistice.

Done and settled the present act in twelve articles, in double copies, the day, month, and year above mentioned.

"CAULINCOURT, duke of Vicenza. "Count SCHOUVALOFF-DE KLEIST.

Seen and ratified by order of the emperor and king, the prince vice-constable of France, majorgeneral of the grand army.

(Signed)

"ALEXANDER."

CHAP. XV.

Consideration of the Treaty between Great Britain and Sweden.

WE shall, without any apology, lay before our readers some valuable information on this subject, extracted from the debates in both houses of parlia ment, on the same evening, viz. June 18; and we have made these extracts as concise as possible, yet they contain the substance of what is necessary for the reader's information on this interesting subject.

June 18. In the house of lords, earl Grey observed, that the substance of the engagement between Russia and Sweden, which had been laid upon the table, was not that document which the house had a right to look for. The treaty between Russia and Sweden having been communicated to this government, he saw no reason why the terms of the articles to which our treaty with Sweden referred, should not have been laid before the house, nor could he consent that foreign governments should be taught that parliament would not call for engagements to which the British government acceded; it being so well known that the forms and practices of our constitution required treaties in which subsidiary engagements were entered into, to be ratified by the sanction of parliament. With respect to the correspondence between this country and Denmark, he felt it of great importance, to the due consideration of this treaty, that it should be produced. His lordship was at a loss to anticipate any substantial objection to his motion; because, in his opinion, acquiescence in it could produce no injury, and might be of most material benefit. It

could not injure Denmark with respect to France, because, if our cause were just, she was our enemy: if indeed she made a fair and honest offer of cooperation, what became of the justice of the cause of Great Britain in continuing to wage war against her? (Hear, hear!) She had proved that she was sincere in her proposals, by shedding her blood against France, and by occupying Hamburgh with her troops. But it was possible that this treaty between Great Britain and Sweden, a treaty of robbery and spoliation, was to be compensated to Denmark by the cession of other territories, in lieu of those she lost. In that case, would the exposition now required be detrimental? What was the equivalent to be offered to Denmark? Was it the Hanse towns? Was the independence which they had so gloriously attempted to establish, to be sacrificed to the secret article of a treaty, and were they to be made the miserable dependents of a miserable dependent? (Hear, hear!) If the Hanse towns were not to be the compensation, of what was it to consist? All the countries in the vicinity of the Danish dominions might be under no unreasonable apprehensions that they were to be the victims; but the production of the documents now required would allay the apprehensions of many, though it would place beyond a doubt the fate of the devoted country that was to form the equivalent. Denmark to receive Bremen, or a portion of the territories between the Elbe and the Weser? Was she to have transferred to her a portion of the late dominions of the king? Was she to obtain a part of the duchy of Mecklenburg? His lordship insisted that ministers were bound to explain this mystery; a principle so horrible as that contained in the Swedish treaty could not be too severely canvassed; it was the duty of government to show the precise nature and extent of the engagements by which

Was

they had pledged the honour and character of the British nation. His lordship concluded by moving that an humble address be presented to the prince regent, for an account of all communications that had taken place between Great Britain and Denmark since the commencement of the year, with a view to a pacific arrangement between the two powers.

The earl of Liverpool opposed the motion, and it was negatived.

The order of the day for taking into consideration the treaty between Great Britain and Sweden being read, the earl of Liverpool rose, and said, that it was impossible to form a correct judgment upon this important subject, without taking into consideration the state of Europe anterior and subsequent to the formation of the treaty, as well as at the time when the signatures of the plenipotentiaries were affixed. Far from thinking that the conditions were unwise or imprudent, were the occasion again to offer itself, he should recommend that a similar compact should be concluded, since its provisions were founded in policy and justice. It would be necessary, in the first place, to direct the attention of the house to the general condition of Europe in the winter and spring of the last year. What, he would ask, were the senti ments of all men at the period when that tremendous storm which had since burst in thunder, hung threatening over Russia? The preparations then made by France-her exertions to collect an overwhelm. ing force, were formidable almost beyond concep tion, in comparison with which all her previous ar maments against Russia, Prussia, and Austria, were trifling expeditions. For three years they had been conducted; and it was not an exaggeration to assert, that the force collected did not amount to less than half a million, attended by 60,000 chosen cavalry. Preparations so terrific had never been made by any power or combination of powers since the creation

of the world. What, he inquired, was at that time the universal sentiment? As the storm thickened and advanced, what man did not tremble for the fate of Russia? what heart did not shrink with despair when it contemplated the gigantic powers of Bonaparte? Even the noble lord opposite (Grenville) had himself confessed that his fears would scarcely allow him to hope; and when he saw that storm dissipated-when he beheld the sanguinary despot defeated, and his countless hosts scattered before the northern blasts, did he not admit that wonders had been achieved? All men who knew any thing were aware that the existence of Russia depended upon the accomplishment of two designs-1st, a peace with Turkey-2dly, an alliance with Sweden. The first of these objects had been attained, partly through the mediation of Great Britain; and as to the second, it was well known that France, as was her obvious interest, had made every attempt to secure the friendship and aid of Sweden; first, as was the custom of Bonaparte, by threats, among which was depriving her of Pomerania; and, last, by promises, among which was the restoration, of Finland. It was then that Sweden assumed a tone highly gratifying to all who loved liberty and independence; and some persons had complained that Russia ought, at that juncture, to have restored Finland to Sweden. His lordship knew that certain statesmen attached to the court of St. Petersburg thought that many of the territorial acquirements made by Russia within the last twenty or thirty years were injurious to her welfare; but none entertained a doubt that the possession of Finland was of the most material importance to her prosperity. With respect to the situation of Sweden, his lordship put it to any man, whether, considering the state of army, the disposition of the people, and the condition of her revenue, Sweden, by embarking in

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