and general Bulow's armies; and they are the means of re-equipping and arming these corps d'armée forthwith, nearly to their original establishments. It must be as grateful to the English nation, as creditable to its government, to see how opportunely this aid is at hand. The gratitude of marshal Blucher and general Bulow, as expressed to me, must be agreeable to your lordship.

Marshal Blucher's route is (I believe) as follows: At Freyburg the 10th, Wegerbush the 11th, Freyburg the 12th, and Muhlheim, near Cologne, the

13th.

I forbear to re-capitulate the enthusiastic demonstrations that have followed the entry of the allies again into this capital.—I have the honour to be, &c. C. STEWART, lieut.-gen."

As soon as the crown prince had arranged a provisional government in Hanover, he marched against Davoust, who appeared at first disposed to await a general engagement behind the Stecknitz; but the Danes having separated from him, he retired into Hamburgh, which he employed himself in provisioning and fortifying, with the determination of defending it to the last extremity. On this the crown prince marched against Lubeck, which was defended by a Danish garrison: after a short resistance, the inhabitants being well disposed towards the Swedes, the commandant capitulated. The crown prince next entered Danish Holstein, which he overran in a very short time: an attempt was made by the Danish government to raise the militia of this province; but they refused to arm against the allies, and actually fired upon the French. The Danish army, after being driven out of Holstein, took up a position on the Eyder; but, finding themselves unable to cope with their antagonists, the prince of Hesse, who commanded them, requested an armistice: this, however, not leading to the ac

ceptance of the basis of negociation proposed by the crown prince, hostilities were recommenced, and Gluckstadt was taken. At last, when the Swedish army had reached Colding, the frontier town of Jut land, the Danish government made its peace with Sweden and Great Britain; the conditions of which were, that Norway should be given up to Sweden, in return for which Denmark was to have Swedish Pomerania; that Stralsund should be a depôt for British goods; that Britain should restore to Denmark all that she had conquered from her, except Heligoland; that the Danes should join the allies with 10,000 men, on receiving a subsidy from this country of £400,000; that she should abolish the slave trade; and that Britain and Sweden should use their good offices to bring about a peace between Denmark and the rest of the allies.

After the battle of Leipsig, marshal St. Cyr with between 20,000 and 30,000 men, threw himself into Dresden, where he was besieged by a division of the allied army. As soon as the French general found that there was no probability of his being reinforced or relieved, he proposed to capitulate, on condition that he and his troops should be sent back to France: to this condition the Russian general at first said he had no authority to accede; but St. Cyr pressing it, at last obtained it. As soon, however, as the circumstance was known to prince Schwartzenberg, he expressed his displeasure at the terms which were granted, and refused to sanction them at the same time directing that St. Cyr and his troops should be replaced in Dresden, as nearly as possible with the same advantages that they possess ed when they capitulated; or that, if he refused to return into Dresden, that he and his troops should be regarded as prisoners of war, and marched into Russia. St. Cyr absolutely refused to return into Dresden, and was therefore compelled to embrace the other alternative.

CHAP. XXV.

The Allied Armies cross the Rhine to invade France.Declaration of the Allied Powers thereon.-Bonaparte attempts to make the People rise en masse.-Observations on the State of Affairs at the End of the Year.

By the end of November nearly all the strong places between the Elbe and the Rhine were in possession of the allies; and such as were not, were closely invested. On the 2d of December, the allies having completed their arrangements and preparations, crossed the Rhine for the purpose of invading France as, however, the strong fortresses near Mentz rendered the passage in this place rather difficult, they preferred passing through part of Switzerland. Bonaparte, aware of the defenceless state of his frontiers on the side of Switzerland, had employed his partizans there to declare the neutrality of this country. As, however, this neutrality was evidently meant to benefit one belligerent party at the expence of the other, and therefore could not justly be regarded as an impartial neutrality; and as, besides, it was well known that the majority of the Swiss were extremely desirous of freeing themselves from the French, and of regaining their old form of government; the allies did not hesitate to march through Switzerland into France. But their con duct on this, as well as on other occasions, formed a marked and honourable contrast to that of the French under similar circumstances: they did indeed pass with their armies through Switzerland; but their troops were strictly enjoined, and were themselves strongly disposed, to consider and treat the Swiss as friends.

We have already mentioned the pacific and moderate tone of the prince regent's speech at the open-,

ing of the session of parliament: the satisfaction to which this gave birth in the minds of all lovers of the tranquillity and repose of Europe, was considerably augmented by the declaration of the allies, which they issued the day before they crossed the Rhine: it would be difficult to point out any state paper so distinguished for moderation, good sense, and sound policy, and which moreover expressed these views and sentiments in such perspicuous and satisfactory language. There is about it none of that obscurity or equivocation which seems to have been thought essential to state papers, especially when their professed object was to explain the designs of the party which issued them. On the contrary, this declaration leaves on the minds, of all who peruse it, the conviction that the allies were perfectly sincere; that their object was what they declared it to be,-peace; and that they wished for such a peace as France might honourably accede to, and which, being fair and just for all parties, it might be hoped would be permanent. That these remarks are borne out by the declaration itself, will sufficiently appear by the perusal of it:

Declaration of the allied powers.

"The French government has ordered a new levy of 300,000 conscripts. The motives of the senatus consultum to that effect contain an appeal to the allied powers. They, therefore, find themselves called upon to promulgate anew, in the face of the world, the views which guide them in the present war; the principles which form the basis of their conduct, their wishes, and their determinations.

The allied powers do not make war upon France, but against that preponderance, haughtily announced, against that preponderance which, to the mis

fortune of Europe and of France, the emperor Napoleon has too long exercised beyond the limits of his empire.

Victory has conducted the allied armies to the banks of the Rhine. The first use which their imperial and royal majesties have made of victory, has been to offer peace to his majesty the emperor of the French. An attitude strengthened by the accession of all the sovereigns and princes of Germany has had no influence on the conditions of that peace. These conditions are founded on the independence of the French empire, as well as on the independence of the other states of Europe. The views of the powers are just in their object, generous and liberal in their application, giving security to all, honourable to

each.

The allied sovereigns desire that France may be great, powerful, and happy; because the French power, in a state of greatness and strength, is one of the foundations of the social edifice of Europe. They wish that France may be happy, that French commerce may revive, that the arts (those blessings of peace) may again flourish, because a great people can only be tranquil in proportion as it is happy. The allied powers confirm to the French empire an extent of territory which France under her kings never knew; because a valiant nation does not fall from its rank, by having in its turn experienced reverses in an obstinate and sanguinary contest, in which it has fought with its accustomed bravery. - But the allied powers also wish to be free, tranquil, and happy, themselves. They desire a state of peace which, by a wise partition of strength, by a just equilibrium, may henceforward preserve their people from the numberless calamities which have overwhelmed Europe for the last twenty years.

The allied powers will not lay down their arms until they have attained this great and beneficial re