this assistance, it is probable that, in the reduced state of her resources and territory, Denmark would be really unable to maintain such a force on the war footing, and in activity. Besides paying the subsidy above-mentioned, we are to cede all our conquests, except the small island of Heligoland. Those foreign possessions, which it was utterly beyond the power of Denmark to recover by force of arms, we have consented gratuitously to restore; we shall give up a great balance of prisoners of war; and, lastly, by the revival of trade with this country, the only effectual remedy to the financial difficulties of Denmark will eventually be afforded. Stralsund continuing a depôt for English produce, will be of mutual benefit to ourselves and the Danes. A stipulation to concur in abolishing the slave trade does honour to both nations; and the proffered mediation of England between Denmark and the allies, places us at once in the most friendly and dignified relation to the former power. It must be admitted that the treaty with Sweden is not so advantageous. Norway is ceded to Sweden in exchange for Swe dish Pomerania.

CHAP. XXVIII.

President of the French Senate's Speech to Bonaparte,His Reply-French Observations on the Declaration of the Allies.-Observations in the English Newspapers thereon.-Caulincourt writes for his Passports.-Action between Victor and Wrede.-Duke of Angouleme embarks for France.-Lord Wellington's Army.-Bonaparte liberates the two Spanish Monarchs, Charles and Ferdinand.-Accounts from Holland.-Gluckstadt taken by the Swedes.-Treaty of Peace with Denmark.

Speech of Lacepede, President of the French Senate, to Bonaparte, with his Reply thereto.

On the 30th of December, Napoleon, being seated on the throne, received the senate in a body; when his excellency, count Lacepede, the president, presented the following address:

"Sire. The senate comes to offer to your imperial majesty the tribute of its attachment and gratitude for the late communications which it has received, by the medium of its committee; your majesty adheres to the proposal even of your enemies, which has been transmitted by one of your ministers in Germany: what stronger pledge could you give of your sincere desire of peace?

"Your majesty certainly believes that power is strengthened by being limited, and that the art of favouring the happiness of the people is the chief policy of kings. The senate thanks you for it in the name of the French people.

"It is also in the name of this same people that we thank you for the legitimate means of defence which your wisdom may take to ensure peace.

"The enemy has invaded our territory. He designs to penetrate to the centre of our provinces. The French, united in sentiment and interest under a chief like you, will not suffer their energy to be cast down.

"Empires, like individuals, have their days of mourning and of prosperity; it is in great ener gies, that great nations shew themselves.

"No, the enemy shall not tear asunder this beautiful and noble France, which, for these fourteen centuries, has maintained itself with glory through such diversities of fortune; and which, for the interest of the neighbouring nations themselves, can always throw a considerable weight into the balance of Europe. We have for pledges your heroic firm. ness, and the national honour.

"We will fight for our country between the tombs of our fathers and the cradle of our infants.

"Sire, obtain peace by a last effort, worthy of yourself, and of the French; and let your hand, so often victorious, let fall your arms, after having signed the repose of the world.

"This, Sire, is the wish of France, the wish of the senate; this is the wish and want of the human race."

BONAPARTE's REPLY.

"I am sensible to the sentiments which you express towards me.

"You have seen, by the documents which I have caused to be laid before you, what I do for the sake of peace. I will make, without regret, the sacrifices implied by the preliminary basis which the enemy has proposed, and which I have accepted. My life has but one object, the happiness of the French.

"Meanwhile, Bearn, Alsace, Franche Comte, Brabant, are invaded; the cries of this part of my

family rend my heart. I call the French to succour the French; I call the French of Paris, of Bretagne, of Normandy, of Champagne, and of the other departments, to the succour of their brethren. Shall we forsake them in their distress? Peace, and the deliverance of our territory, ought to be her rallying cry. At the sight of all this nation in arms, the enemy will fly or will sign peace, on the basis which he has himself proposed. The question is now no more to recover the conquests we have made."

The declaration of the allies on invading France had induced great numbers of people to expect a speedy peace. The observations thereon, in the French papers, are gross and scandalous libels upon the generosity and good faith of this nation, as well as that of its allies. "It was (say they) a declaration which is but a deceitful lure. It was on the 5th of December, in the evening, that the allies received the acceptance of the emperor of the French; it was on the 7th that they published, in the Frankfort Gazette, which city was their head-quarters at that time, the famous declaration which they dated on the 1st. This is a certain fact; the bare relation of which is sufficient to overturn all this show of generosity and love of peace." Again, say the French papers, "the allies speak of a just partition of power, of natural limits, and that at a time when the Swedes desire to pass the Alps which separate them from Norway; and when England pretends to keep some of the ports on the continent. Let us not fear to say it, what the allies profess is in contradiction to what they design. After having themselves fixed the basis of peace, they have refused to sign it. This is a fact which is proved to a demonstration; they have not even attempted to deny it; people puzzle themselves with conjectures on this strange policy; it is asked how it happens, that what suited

them five days earlier, no longer suited them five days later. It is suspected that they made their proposals only in the hope of seeing them rejected; that, the contrary having happened, they are extremely embarrassed; but that, at the hazard of shewing their bad faith, they have preferred pursuing plans of conquest which they cherished, without speaking of them, to the signing of a peace which they spoke of without desiring it.

It must be admitted that one of the English London papers, which spoke in rapturous terms of the magnanimity of this declaration, and those of our ministers in parliament, on the terms of peace proposed to France, while other sober papers observed a profound silence on the subject, soon seemed to think it had been misled, in consequence of the silence of our ministers on the subject. But the reluctance, on the part of Austria, to come into the new terms, and to depart from those offered to France in the declaration issu ed at Frankfort, did not last long; for apparently, as a proof of this, when the Austrian forces and the rest of the allies passed the Rhine, and entered the French territory, they published another declaration, in which they did not take the least notice of the first, but proceeded as if no such declaration had ever been made. After this the English prints began to speak out, by recommending the Bourbons, and assured the public, that if the allied armies permit the white cockade to be displayed to the wishes of the inhabitants wherever they should pass, they would meet with nothing but friends, and grateful hospitality: but, on the contrary, if other measures shall be adopted, they will, as soon as their sentiments shall be known, or even suspected, find the ashes of the dead rising up to inspire Frenchmen with new energy. In the former case, the revolu tion will be finished before the beginning of next