CHAP. XLIII.

CONGRESS AT VIENNA.

THE following notification has been published at Paris of the termination of the congress at Vienna, drawn up by M. Gentz. It asserts, that "if the congress has not been able to accomplish all the hopes that were formed, it has at least satisfied all parties, balanced inevitable sacrifices by evident advantages, and, deaf to every other voice but that of suffering humanity, has renounced, in favour of a permanent peace, the transient lustre which a less conciliatory conduct would have diffused over its labours. At

parting, the sovereigns, already united by their past misfortunes and feelings of their real interests, have concluded a simple and sacred alliance: they engage to make every other consideration subordinate to the invaluable maintenance of peace, and to stifle in its birth every project tending to interrupt it, by all the means which Providence has placed at their disposal."

Our publication having already been so long delayed for this article, and our fears lest the recent events on the continent should stop any further promulgation of this important intelligence, we hasten to give it from the speech of Lord Castlereagh, in reply to Mr Whitbread on a motion of foreign relations, in the house of commons, March 20th; and we shall content ourselves by giving such parts of it only as shall best elucidate the subject in question, without entering into any controversial arguments.

"In considering the transactions, the house would not expect to find that, in such an assembly of sovereigns and ministers, no clashing of interests had occurred, and no differences of opinion had been excited. Such an entire unanimity would have

been contrary to the feelings of human nature, and of that independence which the destruction of the tyrant mind had happily permitted in the different states of Europe. The question which the house, Europe, and posterity would have to decide was, whether a system had been created under which all countries might live in that peace which it was the great object of the confederacy to establish? Perfection belonged to no work of human beings, even when many years were devoted to it; much less when its completion was accelerated by the necessity of circumstances.

"It was perfectly understood, during the whole of the negociations for the general peace, that the great object of the sovereigns of Europe was, the re-establishment and the re-organization of those two great monarchies, which, to all practical purposes, had been destroyed during the war-Austria and Prussia. To do this, it became necessary to establish a security for the flanks of those monarchies; a power between the north of Germany and France, and a power acting as a barrier between Italy and France, to prevent them from coming into contact. It was necessary also to maintain the independence of Switzerland, and to restore the constitution of the German states. The question was, whether the arrangements which had been made were calculated to effect those great objects-whether the assembled powers had endeavoured unduly to aggrandize them. selves, or faithfully to execute their trust?

"He would now endeavour to call the attention of the house to the allegations made by the honour able gentleman (Mr W.) of the breach of faith of this country with respect to Genoa. If such a breach of faith should be proved, he hoped the whole wrath of the country might fall upon himself. The good faith of this country was the greatest power she possessed on the continent, and accusations against it ought not to be slightly hazarded. The honour

able gentleman assumed that a solemn pledge had been given to Genoa, that she should be preserved as an independent state, coupling this accusation with a reference to a prior proclamation to Italy, promising the establishment of an Italian kingdom.

"He wished first to disentangle the question of Genoa from that of Italy. It was true that, at a remote period, before he had the honour of holding the seals of the foreign office, an intimation had been made to the British government of a disposition on the part of the Italians to throw off the French yoke, and a disposition had been expressed by the British government, in return, to aid the attempt by military means. But the circumstance never assumed the consistency alluded to. Details as to the shape or sovereign of this projected kingdom had never been entered into; and expectations which had been held out had never been in the slightest degree realized. Down to the moment when the French were driven out of Italy, never were a people so passive, and so inclined to submit to their oppressions, as the Italians had shewn themselves to be. At the moment that half the French troops were engaged in a disastrous contest in Spain, and the infatuation of the man at the head of the French nation was sacrificing the other half in Russia-when no French troops were in Italy, not an Italian rose; and Bonaparte was in as complete possession of that country as we are in possession of Yorkshire, or any other local county. With the exception of a small rising among the mountains of Tuscany, the success of the allies of Italy was entirely owing to their own arms. But, was this the single circumstance that justified the conduct of the congress with respect to Italy? Did the house recollect the auspicious moment, when every thing depended on awakening Austria to a determination to join the common cause of Europe? The house had on its table the treaty by which the great confederacy was bound together.

The basis of that treaty was, that all the powers should act in unison, for the purpose of giving independence to Europe generally. And he maintained, that on the subject of Genoa, the congress had decided wisely-wisely with respect to Europe-right with respect to Genoa. The union of Genoa to Piedmont, was a principle to which the different powers looked before they left Paris. If there was any thing in the treaty of Paris which the different powers could not avow, at the proper moment he would be ready to consign those powers to the exe. cration to which the honourable gentleman, without information, was so ready to devote them. But, certainly, there was no part of the treaty not then promulgated, proceeding, however, on a principle of serving, and not of imposing on the credulity of Europe.

"The honourable gentleman had asked, if there was any thing in the treaty about Holland. There would, he should have thought, have been exhibited a criminal confidence, if he had not brought France to a sense of the essential interests of this country on that subject before he parted with the essential securities in his hand for the attainment of these interests. He claimed praise for having obtained from France a distinct understanding, that although the precise frontiers of Holland should be left open for discussion, she should be assured of such a mass of territory as should enable her to maintain her independence.

"He had no objections to state, in answer to the honourable gentleman, that France had been an ho nest power at the congress, and had done her best for Europe and herself, and that she had consented to the arrangements. The noble lord went into a justification of the conduct of the different govern. ments at the congress; and contended, that those governments could not be said to have acted from sordid views. Till the reconstruction of the great

powers of Austria and Prussia, there was a blank in Europe, and there could not be said to be any bulwark against future aggression. Till those powers were restored, Europe was not herself. There was nothing in the conduct of either of those states from which their moderation could be called in question. They wished to be replaced in a situation equal to their possessions in 1805. In taking this state, Austria at least had not drawn a period the most markedly advantageous. Had she taken the year 1792, when she had the Low Countries, though not Venice, she would have taken a period when her population was at least two millions higher. Prussia took the period before being dismembered by France, and she had not received 40,000 inhabitants more than she possessed at that period. Nothing, therefore, could be less open to accusation than the great feature of the arrangement.

"With respect to Saxony, it was, no doubt, true that at one time it was in contemplation to incorporate the whole of that country with Prussia. He was one of the persons who had opposed this incorporation; and it was ultimately by the sacrifice of the interests of Holland and Hanover that the other sacrifice was made in favour of the king of Saxony. But while he stated this, he would broadly contend that the right of conquest, under certain circumstances, would warrant the incorporation of the whole of one country and another. He did not wish to say any thing painful to the feelings of the sovereign of Saxony, whom he wished to continue long to reign over his Saxon subjects. He had fallen on unfortunate times; but if ever the principle of conquest had a legitimate application, it was in the case of the king of Saxony.

"With regard to Poland, his lordship had interested himself, as much as possible, to procure a determination that would be equally satisfactory to all parties; and whatever might be the particular ar.