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words or turn of phrase it may be expressed, I mall never think it incumbent upon me to yield my situation, to desert or be diven from the ground upon which I stand in thifecountry, to gratify the whim, the caprice, or unreasonable prejudices of one individual, whatever may be his situation or his opinion of himself. But if in the present, distracted situation of public affairs, brought on by the means used by the right "honourable gentleman to obtain his situation, I find that the public voice calls for my retirement, that I am in the opinion of the public at large, and in reality the obstacle to the -Formation of that stable, extended, and united Administration which the present distractions require, God forbid that I ifhould be the person to stand in the way of, so great and necessity a measure. I can appeal, Sir, to the uniform tenor of my life, if such a conduct be conformable to it. I can assure you, Sir, and the House, that whenever it shall appear to be the sense of the public that I am the obstacle, there is no love of power, no love of emolument, no object of ambition, that shall induce me to remain one moment the bar to so great a public benefit, as a stable, firm Administration, calculated to govern the country in its present arduous anil critical situation. ' But, Sir, it is to be judged how far 1 am the ohstacle that stands in the way of such arrangements. My right honourable friend near me (Mr Fox) has stated the principle upon which he is ready to unite with the right honourable gentleman. He has stated the concessions he is ready to make in his bill for the government of India; he has stated the ground and principle upon which they differ, that the right honourable gentleman must submit to the dictates of this House, before he can be united in principle with my right honourable friend. But has the right honourable gentleman shewn any spirit of concession. No, Sir, the right honourable gentleman chuses to declare, that he cannot act with me; but does he bend to the repeatedly declared opinion of the majority of this House, that they can have ho confidence in him; is he feady to submit to this branch of the Legislature, to vindicate the honour of the House to the true principles of this Constitution. No. But in this day of concession for the benefit of the country, the right honourable gentleman avoids the concessions which he owes to the House of Commons, but states it as a matter of principle to exclude me. I am but a trifling object indeed, compared with' the Constitution of this country, and the honour, reputation, and dignity of this Houfe- Let the right honourable gentleman do what he ought to do to this House,
and it is of little comparative importance indeed what becomes of me,44 Metum ut votes cum Republica redi in Gratiam." But the right honourable gentleman, instead of making the concessions that are required by the House, fays, in answer to my right honourable friend, that he must look both to the , right and *j the left. That he considers the considence of this House not alone sufficient for a Minister in this country; but that besides that, there should be the considence of the King, the considence of the other House, and the considence of the public. I agree with the right honourable gentleman. The considence of His Majesty is highly necessary, and God forbid that any man should pronounce such a libel upon the Prince upon the Throne, as to suppose His Majesty not to give his considence to those he appoints his Ministers. The considence of the other House is important, the considence of this House is most essential, and the considence of the public is of great and signal utility. T agree with the right honourable gentleman that they are all necessary. Nay, so necessary, Mr. Speaker, that 1 cannot admit of one single exception—No, not one. I therefore say, Sir, that while there is an exception to the right honourable gentleman, While this House withholds their considence from him, while he continues in office in desiance of their opinions repeatedly expressed, he wounds the honour of this House, he tarnishes its ..reputation and destroys and overturns the principles of the Constitution.^ this country as they have existed ever since the Revolution. Let the right honourable gentleman conform to the Constitution, and I am sure, as I said at setting out, though T will not retire to gratify the unfounded prejudices of any man, I will not allow myself, if the public and the country require it, to be the obstacle to the formation of a steady, extended, and united Administration, which this House unanimoufly voted to be necessary, which the right honourable gentleman agreed to in his vote, but which he is determined hot to promote by his conduct.
The honourable. Charles Marjham returned his most sincere TV hon. and hearty thanks to the noble Lord, for the noble, upright, Mar" patriotic, and disinterested conduct he this night displayed, amwhich would'justly entitle him to the thanks of his country. The right honourable gentleman on the Treasury bench must now be sensible, he said, that all the obstacle to a re- union rested with him. He was now called upon to resign in the manner pointed out by the right honourable gentleman over against him. Let him then resign; if he found that a treaty was afterwards practicable, then the union would of
Course take pjiice; if on the Other hand he should find diffi•cistties relative to personal situations, though now disclaimed, he might then resume his present employment; and vpqn stating she grounds of difficulty to he with the gentlemen pp the other side, there was no doubt but he would receive ample support from the House; but as matters ii«w stood, it appeared $0 him impossible that he should remain Minister any longer under the present circumstances'.
Mr. Powye. Mr. Ppyjys paid his tribute of applause to the patriotic epnduct of the noble Lord; for his private character he had already the greatest respect, and his speech this night did his public character the greatest honour. For his own part, he \ was not one of those who would insist upon secluding the noble Lord from a share in a future Administration; but since he had himself so disinterestedly and so nobly expressed a readiness to sacrifice his own -prospects to his country's good, he now confessed that the fault would be the right honourable gentleman's, if he any longer refused to pay to the House os Commons that deference due to a branch of the Legiflature. It gave him pain to fay it, but it was true, that, while his right honourable friend refused to .resign, after what the resolutions of the House had declared, and what had I>een said in the course of the present debate, he and his right honourable friend must be two. His right honourable friend acknowledged that the confidence of the House of Commons was necessary to a Minister; did he think that to resist that House of Commons was the way to gain its confidence? Was it not much more likely that he wojstd gain it by sacrificing h.is opinion to that of the House, and acting in conformity to its wishes? There was no doui>t of this; and therefore he was pf opinion, for one, that his right honourable friend .mnst resign.
U.Mahon. Lord Myhon said, that his right honourable friend ought .to resist the sense of the House of Commons, if by so doing he could preserve the Constitution. But the moment he saw the Constitution was out of danger, then it would be criminal in him to oppose the wishes of the House; for he (Lord Mahon) was lo great a friend to the democracy of this government, that, except for the purpose of faying the Constitution, he would not suffer prerogative to stand in the way pf the just rights of that House. But when the House claimed a power of naming Ministers, it destroyed the Constitution; and that it assumed the right of nominating Ministers was very clear; for if the House arrogated the right of negatjving ^he King's appointment, aud st> touts quofits, this would ;" i amount amount in fact to a direct appointment. Now, vt'rift respect to the safety of the Constitution, he did not think it could be secured until the India bill stiould be disposed of; and when that should happen, and all the dangers that might arise from it adverted, theft, but not before, he would advise his right honourable friend to resign. , •
General Conivay said, that the right honourable gentleman, Gen^ Conat the head of the Treasury, had not yet given an explicit way" answer, though prefled even by his friend, a most respectable member, to declare then, whether or not he would resign. The noble Lord, it Would seem, now put the resignation upon another event, and not upon the late resolutions of the » House; and that was upon the success of the next India bill; Which was as much as to fay, that if the House should differ . from the right honourable gentleman on that head, then he would remain in office in spite of the House. How this could be reconciled to decency or duty, he could not tell; but when he considered the state of Europe, of our finances, revenues, and credit, and also the state of Ireland; and while Ministers remained in office under their present circumstances, as no one step could be taken respecting these great objects, he must fay- it was dishonest to remain in office, to the suspension of all the great measures that these objects so preffingly called for.
Mr. Powys fdid the honourable gentleman was mistaken; Mr.Powys. he did not press his right honourable friend to give an answer now; on the contrary, he wished him to take time to consider and to consult; and he made no doubt but his right honourable friend would give to the House on Friday a most satisfactory answer, such as would meet the wishes of the whole House, to the resolutions that had been laid before His Majesty.
Governor John/lone condemned as absurd, the wish to Governor unite all the abilities of the House, and yet to exclude from J°finslonethe union the noble Lord in the blue ribband, whose abilities were so great and so well known to the House. He admitted the abilities of Mr. Fox to be great; he allowed him to be one of the greatest men in the world; but he was no greater than Julius Cæsar, who undid Rome. Oliver Cromwell also was a great man, and had led the House of Commons great lengths, but he overturned the Constitution: this he thought would have been the effect of the right honourable gentleman's India bill if it had passed, and it was prevented by the right honourable gentleman over the way;
and his continuance in office was no less necessary, in order to prevent the bill from passing in any other shape with any dangerous clause in it, than his going into ofsice, or consenting to do so, had been necessary to defeat the sirst India bill. He declared he had no prejudice to the right honourable gentleman; so far from it, that if there was to be an election of a King in this country, he would most cordially give him his vote: but he wished to preserve the Constitution from that euthanesia, to which he thought his bill would have led it. Mr. Pulte- Mr. Pulteney and Mr. Dempster both spoke: the former Demnst«r' bought the House of Commons, or at least a small majority of it, when not supported by the people, to be no formidable body at all. The latter thought that the sirst India bill would have been found less dangerons than the people imagined,: if they were to look. into the statute books, and fee what immense powers were vested in the Secretaries of State for the, government of India; and when it was recollected what little use had been made of them, the House would not much regret the loss of the second bill, which was for putting the controling power of India into nearly the fame hands, where it had been so greatly neglected before. Mr. Beaui Mr. Beaufoy spoke to the following effect: After a defoy. bate so interesting as that in which for the last two.
hours the House has been engaged, I ought, perhaps, to apologise in rising for a purpose, which yet, I believe, is not an. unnecessary one; that of seconding the motion which a right honourable gentleman, who spoke early in the day, has made; and though I differ from him essentially in all that he said in the outset of his speech, yet I am so convinced not only of the truth, but of the great importance of the resolution he has recommended to the House, that I cannot prevail on myself to" express my assent to it merely by a silent vote. The resolution declares that the public revenue is defrauded to the extent of two millions a year. Of the truth of this assertion, those who have weighed the specisic facts alledged in the report of your Committee, or who have examined the authentic papers contained in the Appendix, cannot entertain a doubt; and indeed the truth of it is sufficiently established by the opinion of the Commissioners of Excise, that if the illicit trade were prevented, the present duties of the excise alone, on four articles only, those of tea, coffee, brandy and rum,