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Portland from his presence and Councils for ever:. that this address was not complied with, and that the House received no answer to it. Nevertheless, faid the learned gentleman, the House went on to grant the supplies exactly as if they had reposed the most implicit confidence in those Ministers.: From thence the learned gentleman had inferred, that there was no ground for refusing the supplies at present, because there was a want of confidence in Ministers. He must beg leave, Mr. Fox faid, to remind that learned gentleman, that he had either forgot the history to which he alluded, or done what was worse, wilfully misrepresented it. The fact was, at the time the address alluded to had been voted, and fent to the Throne, the noblemen in question were no longer Ministers. They had been removed in 1700, and the address was an address requesting his Majesty to strike them out of the list of Privy Counsellors. The money voted in - 1701, and the fupplies that were granted, were not voted in confidence to the noble Lords alluded to, because they were not Ministers at the time. The only allusion, therefore, that had been made by gentlemen on the other side of the House to a former period, had been completely and absolutely misquoted. Indeed thofe gentlemen would find but little to their purpose in those more happy and fortunate periods, when the liberty of this country had been protected, cherished, and maintained, in all that purity and vigour that had made us the wonder of the world. In these pea riods, the Princes on the Throne had refpected that House, and their first and greatest glory had been to attend to its wilhes, and listen to its advice. God forbid, he said, that those secret advifers of His Majesty should induce our present gracious Sovereign to be the first of his name, and of his race, to neglect the counsels, and turn aside from the advice of his faithful Commons; advice which had hitherto been well taken, and strictly followed by every Prince 'of the house of Brunswick, and the neglect of which would bring us back to those dark, inglorious, and arbitrary periods of our history that he had so often mentioned. The ground, the unconstitutional ground, on which the present Adminiftration stood, was so 'totally new, and so absolutely the contrivance of the present Minister, and of those advisers, of whom he hoped (for the sake of that right honourable genleman's reputation) he was the tool and the dupe, that it was not poffible for him to forget what he had said upon that subject within a very short period. He remembered, at the time when he differed from the noble Lord near him upon

Cc 2


public principles, when the American war was the subject of debate, when he thought the continuance of that was ruinous to the country, to have asked the noble Lord, why he did not quit a situation, which he could no longer hold consistently with the good of the country. The noble Lord replied to him, that it was not his assertion that would induce him to quit his situation. But that as soon as he should find that he no longer possessed the confidence of that Houfe, he would quit it. Mr. Fox declared, his reply to the noble Lord at that time was, “ many thanks to him, for doing what he could not avoid ;" and be confessed at the time, he thought the retort a good one : he did not at that time know, that the noble Lord was setting an example of constitutional conduct, which was very soon to be disregarded by his fuccessor. He did not then know, that instead of making, what he then thought, a good and solid answer to the noble Lord, he was guilty of a gross impertinence, for giving the noble Lord no merit nor praise, when he had so much, by resifting every attempt that could be made to make him act contrary to the principles of the Constitution. He could now see, indeed, why the objections to the noble Lord, from certain quarters, were so strong and vindi&tive. The noble Lord would not lend his name to those unconftitutional attempts of resisting the opinion of that House, which had been so strangely left to be the work of the right honourable gentleman over against him. Had the noble Lorá chosen to adopt his measures, had he set at defiance the first grand principles of our constitutional freedom, he would have been applauded, wliere he was now reviled; he would have been courted, where he was now perfecuted. Finding, therefore, that his best thanks were due to the noble Lord, when he declared that he would resign, when he lost the confidence of that House for a des termination to act as he did, indeed in conformity to the Constitution, instead of the uncivil retort he then made, he did now most heartily beg pardon of his noble friend for his fhort-sighted and impertinent fpeech. Mr. Fox said, he was (ure, if either a diffolution of Parliament was to take place, or if a reform in the representation was to be effected, he could have no objection whatever to appeal either to a new Parliament, or to a reformed representation, for he defied any person to state any disadvantage that would arise to the present majority in that House by either of those events. '; He did not mean to say that there would not take place, as at present, those small changes in numbers, which all who


be gentlemeafed, if patho represetries; he meally

attended to that House knew must take place from accidens tal circumstances, but which did not, upon the whole, effen. tially change the description of individuals, of which either side was composed. If there was an alteration in the representation, by adding to the county Members, he was not afraid of any dimunition of numbers from that event. When he looked round him, when he recollected those of that description who composed the present majority, he found a very great proportion of the representatives of counties, and another description of persons equally respectable and equally independent, though not representing counties; he meant independent country gentlemen, who represented boroughs. If they were to be increased, if Parliament were to be disfolved, did the gentlemen on the other side of the House think they would be benefited by such an alteration? -No, the reverse was the truth. He had examined every description of persons respectable for their representation, respectable for their independence of spirit, respectable for their love of the Constitution, respectable for talents, zeal, and exertion, in that glorious cause; he had found it extremely difficult to discover an instance of any class or denomination where any change, such as he had alluded to, could possibly give a majority to the present Administration. At last he had been able to lay his hand upon one set of men, who, if they were increased, would produce a change indeed in the state of the majority in that House. He meant those persons who procured their seats in that House by the favour of the Treasury. He believed this was rather unparliamentary language ; bút he meant those persons who had obtained their situation there by means of the noble Lord near him, those who had under the Administration, and by the favour of bis noble friend, accumulated splendid fortunes. These were the persons, who, if increased, might perhaps produce the effect that the right honourable gentleman wished. It was upon those men that he depended for support; while the increase of spirit, of independence, of respectability, would be of no avail, the increase of ingratitude, of desertion, of every thing that could blacken and disgrace the character, would serve his purpose. He took notice of what Sir William Wake had said relative to the American war having been gone into from a false notion of preserving the dignity of that House. That was, he said, a mistake, the American war had not been more the war of that House than of the other branches of the Legislature, but that House had been the first to see its errors, and to put an end to the war. He


alluded also to Sir William Dolben's having asked a few
nights fince, if the prerogatives of the Crown were to be
ferved up as a collation, like Sancho's banquet, to feaft the
eye alone, and not the appetite : he said, he by no means
meant, to deny that the prerogatives of the Crown ought to
be substantial; all that he contended for was, that the House
of Commons, who granted the public inoney in large fums
to Ministers upon confidence, had a right, at leaft, to have a
negative voice in the appointment of those Ministers. He
argued much at large upon the eventual effect either of the
continuance of the present Administration, or of the return
of the laft into power; and shewed, that neither of the two
would be able to carry on fo vigorous a government as the
fituation of the country required : he therefore strongly re-
commended an union, for the purpose of forming a firm, ef-
ficient, extended, united Administration, which should equal-
ly share the confidence of the Crown, and the confidence of
Parliament. He particularly infifted' on the necessity that
the confidence of the Sovereign lhould be fairly participated;
and after an ample discuffion of the subject of the addresses
presented in Charles the Second's reign, and a comparison
between them and the addresses lately presented, and an infi-
nite variety of arguments on general grounds, he returned
to a consideration of the question, which he said was abso- .
lutely necessary as a kind of salva jure to gentlemen, before
they could consent to vote the supplies in the present situa-
tion of affairs. After the question should be carried, and
he trusted it would be carried by a considerable majority, he
declared, he should have no objection immediately to receive
the report of the ordnance estimate, and vote that supply :
but he begged to be perfectly understood, as not by any
means giving up the constitutional right of that House to
stop supplies; but as it was a question of infinite moment
and alarm, he wished the House to adopt every means of pro-

craftination and of delay, to avoid coming to its decision. The Chan- The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose the moment Mr. Fox

the far down, and spoke substantially as follows: The right ho

nourable gentleman, Sir, has gone through so vaft an expanse of matter, he has embarked the House in so wide an ocean of politics, that it is impossible for me to follow him through the whole course of his speech. I beg leave, however, while both the House and myself are fresh in the recollection of it, to press upon them again what the right honourable gentleman himself, at the close of his speech, has


hecer of the fat Urable matter, the


on, in their old of peace. The Tibe ought.cures

this day at last been driven to confess, though I had long la. boured, and, as I began to fear, had laboured in vain, to convince him of it, namely, Sir, that if the right honourable gentleman and the noble Lord in the blue ribband should regain their situation, should expel all His Majesty's present Ministers, and resume their old measures, their restoration would not ensure the restoration of peace, of happiness, and of content to this distracted country. The right honour.. . able gentleman now confesses it; and yet, Sir, he ought also to confess, and to know and feel, that his present measures do moft directly tend to the re-establishment of that coali. tion, to the certain exclusion of His Majesty's present Mia, nifters, and to that very calamity which he himself now begins to dread, and with the dread of which, I had so ftrenu-' oully endeavoured to inspire the House. Procrastination is now become his plan. I wish not to be understood as calling out for violent measures ; but this I will say, that merely to .. temporise is no man's duty at the present moment ; if, therefore, every violence is intended against this Administration, let us not keep the country in suspense, but let us advance like men to the issue of this contest; the present question is weak and feeble, compared to those which have gone before it; and I dare say, therefore, every gentleman must expect that it will be without effect. The right honourable gentle-.. man, Sir, has appeared to-night in a character perfectly new to him, but which he has supported (as, indeed, he supports every one of his characters) with wonderful dexterity: he is to-night the champion of the majority of this House against the voice of the people; not the champion of any large majority against the doubtful opinions and feeble voice of the people ; he has endeavoured, indeed, in this his new character, to depreciate, nay, and to calumniate the. voice of the people of England. Impofture was the word used by his learned friend ; the right honourable gentleman improves upon the idea, and tells you that impofture was a word used merely by way of civility; it is by way of complimenting the people of England, that the right honourable gentleman says their opinions are founded in imposture; and then, by way of libelling these addresses, and of libelling this reign, he recals to your mind the addresses offered in the infamous reign of King Charles the Second, affecting to furnish the House with a case somewhat in point, and warning them not to trust at all to the most unanimous addresses of the people of England, by summarily nientioning those which were offered to that Monarch, requesting the Crown to take


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