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that in every case a majority was to prescribe what in such and such circumstances it was proper for Ministry to do, He did not believe there was a power in the House of Commons for the control of the prerogative, He rather thought every branch of the Legislature was instituted to. secure the legal and constitutional exercise of the other. He hoped, therefore, that it would never be contended, that the Sovereign, in creating Peers, or chusing his Ministers, must first alk leave of the House,

The right honourable gentleman had said too, that there was now no government in the country, an allegation taj which he would give an open and avowed negative. What! were Ministers of no use but to attend their duty in Parliament? Were there no official business to transact os a public and national description without the walls of the House of Commons? And whether these measures or schemes which depended on the assistance and concurrence of Parliament, were or were not suspended, undoubtedly other matters, however inferior they might be thought, Came under their inspection and control,

He wished, however, the right hon. gentleman would; speak out. If His Majesty's Ministers were as criminal as he would insinuate, there were only two ways of rendering them amenable to their country, of criminating their conduct, or turning them out of place or power. Why does, not the right honourable gentleman come boldly forward and do one or other of these? The charge of disturbing the tranquillity of the country, or impeding public business,, he considered as invidious and groundless, This he might retort, but he would not adopt the language of reCrimination.

The Throne was still as accessible as ever, and would still listen to the voice of reason and necessity. But it was as futile as it was improper to be coming down from time to, time to the House sounding the minds of gentlemen, and exciting them to crowd the' standard of opposition to a. Ministry which they had it so much in their power to remove. It would be more manly as well as candid, to come at once to some specific charge, and decide the fate of a Ministry thus obnoxious and uncomplying.

As for his own part, he regarded all those kind of threatenings with great indifference. The right honourable gentleman had undoubtedly exerted his utmost to paint his conduct in the worst light} but still he was willing ]!ng to stand forth In his own vindication. Nothing could be imputed to him for which he had any reason to be aihamed. His heart, his principles, his hands were pure. And while he enjoyed the conscious satisfaction of his own mind, no language of the right honourable gentleman, 110 clamour, no artifice of party, no unfounded imputations, should affect him. He had already stated his conduct fairly and explicitly to the House. He trusted it was not necessary to repeat the fame things over again. By these reasons he wished to abide, and he trusted the House would not dissent from him in presuming that the motives which he assigned for whatever might seem peculiar in his situation, were not frivolous, but satisfying.

Lord North stated, that the right honourable gentleman's Ld. North, insinuations put words in Mr. Fox's mouth which he had not beard, His right honourable friend had only stated, that the reign of the right honourable gentleman would not meet the wishes of a majority in that House, and was most undoubtedly hostile to the inclination of the public in.

feneral. In asserting that there was no government, Mr; ox never pretended to deny that there was a Lord of the Treasury, a Lord of the Admiralty; these were facts which .all the world knew, and many regretted. But he meant to assert, that the constrtutional object of those several institutions was annihilated. A Government indeed there was, but it had no check, it wanted energy.—It had neither confidence nor regarded the control of Parliament — It was without credit and without responsibility — Its very existence depended on a violation of the privileges which distinguished the House of Commons. A majority of that House had already decided its fate and sealed its perdition* He controverted the statement by Mr. Pitt of what belonged to a legal Government, and said, that the present had few or none os those attributes, which according ia the constitution of a free country constituted a legal authority. He was astonissied that the Minister would not retire without every degree of ex£rtion which the House could put in action for that purpose. A change was demanded and an address urged — Before Parliament either adopted the one or the other, it was fit that the world should be apprized who called for an address, who challer^ed a charge, who rendered both necessary. But was the right honourable gentleman prepared to justify this strong and indispensable exertion, to his country, his own mind, or that House? What could he plead for himself against such an accusation? Did it originate with him or those who made it i Was the form of the Constitution to be preserved or cherished at the expence of its spirit? An address must be attended with that effect which it was meant to produce. But was it not proper to take every precaution in the power of the House to avoid it? The language of such a measure could neyer.be conciliating; and surely our differences were already wide enough. No new exceptions were necessary to augment or create antipathies.

He therefore much. approved of his right honourable Triend's motion for adjournment. He was certain of his proceeding in every thing with manliness and decency. He knew his sensibilities to be strong; but these were under the control of a sound mind, and an incorruptible heart.

EariNogent , Earl Nugent said, that he for one did not believe that a majority of that House were ready to. subscribe to the administration of a Dictator, and to receive again into the public service the author of the East-India bill. To the right honourable gentleman, personally, he had no objection; he thought his talents were of a commanding and superior nature; that his genius was profound and inexhaustible; his, mind firm and adventurous. He would go farther; he was ready to fay, .that in such a moment as the present, the country stood in need of such a Minister. We could not go on in the beaten path; we could not be saved by the common quality of measures; we wanted the activity of such.a man as the right honourable gentleman; Tint he wished to see him only making the part of an Administration, not' monopolizing the power. . His aid, his assistance, would give vigour and energy to any system; but the constitution of this country would not admit that the sole and dictatorial power should be vested in one man. It was therefore his opinion that the majority of that House were not prepared to see the right honourable gentleman rise in his air balloon, and elevate himself over the constitutional heads of the State. A great deal of clamour liad been set up against secret advisers, and the secret influence os the Crown: he did not believe that those who excite,dthe clamour, believed that there was any such thing as the dangerous influence of secret advice. It ha4 been the incessant clamour of the present reign; it began when of secret advisers was first started, and of a dark influence behind the Throne. Indeed in the administration of Sir Robert Walpole, it was the cry of Parliament that there ■was an influence; that Royal favour run all in one direction, by one set of men possessing the ear of the Crown | but with men of sense all this clamour availed nothing; it ■was perfectly understood 5 and men knew that it was the mere expedient of party.

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It was now asserted with a very high tone, that a noble Earl had no right to go into the closet of the King t6 giv« His Majesty advice, although that noble Earl was by his rank and fortune set in so distinguished a place in the country, and though he was so deeply involved in its interest*. It was the clear and indisputable right of every citizen to give advice to His Majesty when he was called upon to do lb; arid he must be allowed to fay, that the noble Earl, by his high rank and fortune, was much better intitled to giveadvice to the Crown than those who possessed not the same pretensions, and who at least had not the fame reasons for exerting themselves in the deliverance of their country. God forbid, he said, that he should presume to search into the hearts and motives of men. He wished to speak of them only from appearances; and on this ground, he said, that judging between the noble Earl who had been arraigned for giving advice to His Majesty, and those who arraignedhim, appearances were in favour of the noble Earl; appearances were in favour of him. who had a great stake in the country, rather than of those who had much to hope for and little to lose. When he spoke in this manner he must not be understood to infer, that the right honourable gentleman opposite to him was not connected with men of large property and of great influence in the country; he certainly was so; and no man in this kingdom was, he believed, so powerfully and so generally supported; at the same time it would not be too much fqr him to say, that it mjght be convenient for the right honourable gentleman, as well as for many of his friends, to come into office again. He vowed to God that he was not his enemy. He vowed to God at the fame time that he was not connected with the right honourable gentleman who was now at the head of the Treasury. He was connected with no man, nor set of men; nor did he think either the two right honourable gentlemen, or any two men in the kingdom, of sufficient importance, as that the peace, the order, the practice of the Constitution, should be sacrificed to them; he vowed to God he did not. In regard. 1' to to the friendships of the one party and the other, he stood aloof from all; he had long witnessed the turbulence of party* and he had determined to keep himself for the future perfectly detached from men, and attached only to measures. He spoke of the late resolution of the House against the present Ministry, as a measure not warranted nor wise. It was, unjustifiable in every point of view, and he trusted it would be soon rescinded. He trusted the House would see that they had come to that resolution hastily, raslily, and without foundation. He, perhaps, would himself move, that it should be rescinded, were it not that his health prevented him from that regular discharge of his duty, which he was used to do. He trusted, however, it would be rescinded, for he did not scruple to say it was disgraceful to the House. £ The other side called out to him to move.] He said he was not Irishman enough to put the cart before the horse. The present motion must be discharged; but he trusted and hoped that it would be expunged from their journals. Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox begged leave to remark on a few aflertions which had fallen from the noble Lord. The noble Lord had complained that he had employed improper influence in affairs pf State, and had aflirmed, that he had not a better right to tender his advice to Majesty on the great political concerns of the country, than a noble Earl of distinguished rank, and of considerable fortune. These assertions were false; and when the House called the noble Lord to order on his expressing them, it acted in every respect agreeable to its own forms and its own dignity. Did the noble Lord recollect, that at the period when the advice to which he had alluded was given by the noble Earl, when that secret influence had been employed which had interested the attention and drawn down the indignation of the House, he was acting as the responsible Minister of the Crown, the authorised adviser of Majesty, and as such, had he not an official title superior to the noble Earl, or to any other person, to advise His Majesty on the great national„concerns of this realm? He was confident that there was no person who attended to these circumstances but would admit their truth, and allow that the conduct of the noble Eafl to whom reference had been made, was an encroachment on the privileges, and a direct invasion of the rights of Ministers. The noble Lord had rested much on the extensive fortune of the noble Earl who had employed his influence with Majesty. He had spoken of this circumstance as conveying a superior title to that of any other per* son, not comprehended within the same description, to counsel

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