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our ancestors had devised, and which it would be our wisdom inviolably to support. They experienced all the vicissitudes and -distractions of a republic. They felt all the vassalage and dispotifm of a simple monarchy. They abandoned both, and by blending each together, extracted a system which has been the envy and admiration of the world. It is this scheme of government which constitutes the pride of Englishmen, and which they can never relinquish but with their lives. This system, however, it is the intention of the present addrese to defeat and destroy. It is the intention of this address to arrogate a power which does not belong to the House-of Commons, to place a negative on the exercise of the Prerogative, and to destroy the balance of power which gives distinction to that government which was settled at the Revolution, and has ever since continued to diffuse its happy influences over the inhabitants of this country. It had been remarked by an honourable member (Mr. Fox) that no period of our history affords an example of ministers existing after an address, disapproving of them, from the House of Commons. But to obviate this observation, it may be proper to alk, whether the history of this country affords any instance in which a Ministry have been called on to retire from office without a cause? This is a remark which merits attention, and to which it may not be improper to direct the notice of the honourable gentleman at the present moment. On what grounds of plausibility, under what pretexts then are the supplies for the services of the public to be refused? Is it on account of the arbitrary decision of the House? Have they no confidence in the conduct of Administration? And I will even venture to ask the honourable gentleman (Mr. Fox) whether he believes that these supplies, if granted, would be misapplied? He said the sentiments of the public were flattering to Ministry. These the resolutions of the House had led his Majesty to attend to, and he would fay the addresses which had been presented to the Throne were unequivocally in favour of that Administration which this House has disapproved. He expressed his approbation of the explicitness of the present address : he hoped gentlemen would now speak out, and that they would bring their charges against Ministers. He flatitered himself the honourable gentleman's (Mr. Fox) manliness and candour would lead him to this, and that he would not any longer tear in pieces the character of Ministers by distant but dark invective, or unsupported allegation. He cautioned the House against entertaining an idea that the present motion was calculated to promote union—it seemed rather intended
to divide and drive parties at greater distance from each other. He insisted that an union, if established at all, must exist and be formed on honourable principles—without this, all coalition was farce, and could never be permanent. Union formed on different motives could never be of long continuance—they carried in them their very principles of division, "They hold the word of promise to the ear, and break it to the sense." He concluded with apologizing to the House for delaying them so long: thus much, however, he thought it necessary to fay in support of the balance of the Constitution, the prerogative* of the King, and the previleges of Parliament.
Mr. Drake was against the motion. . Mr. Dempster stated what had occurred that dy at the St. Mr. DempAlban's Tavern, and wished that gentlemen would on both ster, sides concede a little, and not suffer grammatical obstacles to stand in the way, when he trusted in God that all others were pretty well removed. The two gentlemen who had negociated this business deserved every thing from their country that gratitude could bestow; and he wished that they had yet four and twenty hours to try their efforts farther.
Mr. Hopkins spoke to the same effect. He thought Mr. Mr. Hop. Pitt had acted with becoming liberality, in conceding what he taM" had done, and he wished that they would yet come to a conclusion.
Mr. Fox thought it necessary to explain the circumstances Mr. Fox. of the last negociation, and the reasons of their conduct. He said he was of opinion, that when the message came down to the Duke of Portland, intimating his Majesty's wislies that he should have a personal interview with Mr. Pitt, to form a new Administration on a wide basis, and on fair and equal terms, there was no probability that any serious and cordial union should be formed from an interview grounded on such terms—but the Duke of Portland thought that the terms of the message might be construed in a manner which might warrant them in agreeing to a conference. The word fair no one could object to; it was a general term, and the parties might discuss and determine on what they conceived to be mutually fair in settling the several arrangements. That as to the word equal, to which he in particular objected, his Grace thought it might be meant in its more general unlimited sense of equitable, and in that sense there could be no objection to it. On this account the Duke returned an answer, requesting that Mr. Pitt would explain the word equal, but Mr. Pitt declared in so many words, that he did not think any farther preliminary explanation necessary.—Here the matter broke
off, For it was impossible that his Grace could meet Mr. Pitt on terms which he refused to explain. The resolution of the St. Alban's meeting was not directed against either party : it was fairly impartial in its purport, and censured the one side for not explaining, as well as the other for not conceding. The Chan- The Chancellor of the Exchequer explained his conduct in receiiorof the gard to this negociation with great clearness. He had always Exchequer, declared, he said, that he would never consent either to one actual or virtual resignation for the purpose of negociating. The message which his Majesty sent to the Duke of Portland was in every respect clear and unequivocal. When desired to explain what was meant by equal, he had said that it would be best explained in a personal conference. His reason for this answer, and for not agreeing to take this word out of the message, and to let the term fair stand by itself, was, that by so doing it was an implication that they came to an interview to negociate a new Administration, admitting the Duke of Portland's position, that inequality was the basis of fairness. Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox said, the objection of the Duke carried no such inference. Substitute the word equitable in the room of equal, or explain what you mean by your own term, and the difficulty is removed.
The Hon. The Honourable Charles Mar/ham said, he trusted that gen-
The previous question was withdrawn.
The address was then prepared, and ordered to be presented by the whole House.
The House in a Committee went through the Receipt-tax "bill, on the clauses.of which there was some- conversation.
March March 3.
A debate took place on the question started by Lord Maltland, whether the Constable of the Tower was a civil officer, and whether it vacated the feat of Lord George Lenox. A number of circumstances belonging to the office were mentioned; and it was determined that it was a military appointment.
The House went up to St. James's with the Address. On their return the Speaker read the King's most gracious Answef as follows:
*« I have already expressed to you how sensible I am of the advantages to be derived from such an Administration as was pointed out in your unanimous resolution. And I assured you that I was desirous of taking every step most condusive to such an object: I remain in the same sentiments; but I continue equally convinced that it is an object not likely to be obtained by the dismiffion of my present Ministers.
"I must repeat, that no charge or complaint, or any specisic objection, is yet made against any of them: if there were any such ground for their removal at present, it ought to be equally a reason for not admitting them as part of that extended and united Administration which you state to be requisite;
411 did not consider the failure of my recent endeavours as a sinal bar to the accomplishment of the purpose which I had in view, if it could have been obtained on those purposes of fairness and equality, without which it can neither be honourable to those who are concerned, nor lay the foundation. of such a strong and stable government as may be of lasting advantage to the country—but I know of no farther steps which 1 can take, that are likely to remove the difficulties which obstruct that desirable end.
"I have never called in question the right of my faithful Commons, to offer me their advice upon ev«ry proper occasion, touching the exercise of any branch of my Prerogative.
"I shall be ready at all times to exercise it, and give it the most attentive consideration—they will ever sind me disposed to shew my regard to the true principles of the Constitution, and to take such measures, as may best conduce to the prosperity of my kingdom,"
Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox rose the moment the Speaker had sinished his recital of the King's Answer, and moved that the consideration of His Majesty's answer to the Address of the House os Commons he adjourned till Monday next. This was unanimoufly assented to.
The order of the day was. then called for from the Treasury Bench, for going into a Committee on the report of the account of the sinances of the East-India Company, presented by the Court of Directors; and Mr. Eden, who had caused the order to be made a few days ago, moved that it be read. Upon this,
Mr.Welbore -. Mr. Welbore Ellis rose; he said the House seemed to him .Ellis. to have laid it down as a rule of practice, not to go into any public business whatever until questions that immediately concerned the privilege and dignity of the House were sirst disposed of. Upon this principle he moved that the order of the day be adjourned to Monday.
Mr. For. Mr. Fox seconded the motion, saying, that he did it not with any view to delay public business, or to withhold any supply; and he intended that his conduct should prove the sincerity of his professions. But surely when a matter of such moment as the King's answer was to be discussed, and to be followed up with some measure that ought to be sinal, he thought that twice twenty-four hours could not be thought too Jong a time for deliberation.
radian- The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, the right honourable
ceiiorofthe gentleman wished not to be thought desirous to stop supplies;
Exchequer. when he proceeded to delay, from day to day, it was very natural for people to think that he meant to refuse. He did' not think, that. after the manner in which the pitiful trick of adjournment last week had been treated, another wouldhave been made this day to delay the public business, by another adjournment. The mutiny bill stood for to-morrow; he hoped that when gentlemen considered how very soon the mutiny act was to expire, they would not think it expedient to put off the consideration of that bill any longer. If gentlemen should think proper to adjourn to Monday, the House was surely too thin to discuss that question; all therefore that .they ought in reason to expect, was, that the House should now adjourn till to-morrow; and then infull House it might .be determined, whether all business sliould he postponed to. , Monday.'
Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox said that it was now only the 4th of March, and .themutiny act .would expire on the 25th; there was nothing therefore that was very pressing on that head ; for if it should 1 be