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passed by them without any opposition or delay. But he would not for a moment suppose that the House would pass a short Mutiny bill; he did not believe they would; nay, he would almost venture to go so far as to fay they would not. He was for going into the bill this day, because there was not a moment to be lost. If the adjournment moved by the right honourable member should take place, he was sure that tbe consideration of the Mutiny bill could not possibly come on till Tuesday ; and as the consideration of the account from the India House stood for that day, possibly it might not come on till Wednesday. Surely then the House did not wish to run the bill to a day, and to risque the consequences that must necessarily follow, if the bill should by any misfortune happen to miscarry. In order therefore to avert those consequences as far as in him lay, he would oppose the motion for adjourning the Committee on that bill. Lord North Lord North said, it would not be an easy matter to convict either side of the House, of being the cause of the delay. "The majority could not be charged with it, because no public business had been brought forward that had been opposed by them, except the Minister's India bill, which had been so properly rejected. For the delay of the supply on the Ordnance estimates, could not be interpreted to mean a determination to stop it, for the purpose of throwing impediments in the way of public business; the event proved the reverse; for as soon as a measure was taken, which an answer from the Crown had appeared to the House to call for, was adopted, that Ordnance supply was immediately voted; the delay was only forty-eight hours, and there was nothing pressing in the nature of that supply^ which afforded ground for apprehension of the most distant idea of danger from a short delay. As to the navy estimates, the right honourable gentleman himself had put them off once; and when the House was xeady with one voice to vote them, he brought forward only a part of them, namely, the ordinary of the navy, but kept back the extraordinaries, when the House would have voted the whole without a single negative. To whom then was the delay imputable in the business, the important business of supply? Surely not to-the majority, who waited only forty-eight hours untill a previous step should have been taken, and then voted the Ordnance, but to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who put off the supply for forty-eight hours, without assigning arty reason, and who afterwards withheld a much greater

part part of the navy supply, than he brought forward, which remained to this moment unvoted, though the majority would have voted it with chearfulness, and had called twice * for it, though hitherto in vain. With respect to the delay/ of the great measures of finance and other important busi-' ness, it rested entirely with the right honourable gentleman j because he had not so much as attempted to bring forward any part of it. But this delay he would not impute to him as matter of blame, because standing in a situation the like of which no former Minister had ever experienced, standing with a majority not for him, but against him, it was not at all surprising that he should not he very forward to bring on public business, when he knew that he had not weight enough in the House to carry through the business that he might have to propose. For these reasons he would excuse both sides of the House of intentional delay; the one because they had not delayed business; the other, because they kne\V they were not in a situation to do any thing, except one, which it was their duty, and in their power to do, to retire from situations which they knew they cotild not fill with advantage to the public. With respect to the motion then befere the Houses he was not at all surprised that it Was opposed by the right honourable gentleman; for when he could not break the majority that was against him, it was natural enough that he should endeavour to degrade it, by making it adopt a manner of acting totally irrecoricileable with consistency. The House had already laid it down twice as a rule, not to proceed to any other business of importance until the King's answer, which so materially affected the privileges of the House, had been previously taken into consideration. Had any reason been assigned, which ought to have such weight with the House as to induce it to depart, in the present case, from a rule already laid down in the two preceding cases, perfectly similar in their nature? None, certainly, that he could see; for as to what he had heard about the Mutiny bill, it had very little weight with him. In the first place, he did not hesitate to fay, that under all the present circumstances, the House ought not to consent to any other than a short Mutiny bill; and he pledged himself to second any man who should move for it: this being premised, and supposing that the House would adopt the proposition, then, if it should be rejected by the Lords, merely because it was a short bill, and the Commons would pass no other, then it was a matter of the utmost indifference whether it

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was sent up to the Lords this day, or ten days hence. But he could not with patience hear it even insinuated that the Lords would attempt to alter a money bill; for in that cafe he would go so far as to fay, that he would much sooner suffer the Mutiny act to expire, than suffer the Lords to alter a money bill, and consent that the Commons should afterwards agree to it. If that day should ever come, then not only this, but every future House of Commons, would be a mere cypher; for what gave the Commons their greatest weight was, that they have the exclusive right of originating money bills; which money bills must afterwards be assented to in totoby the King and Lords, or rejected in toto; for if the Lords were once allowed to alter the bills, and tax the subject beyond that degree marked out by the Commons, then the latter could no longer be said to hold the public purse; at best it would then be a divisum imperlum. He did not mean to speak of an alteration in its most circumscribed sense; but he meant an alteration in the quantum of money voted, or in the term for which it was to last. Therefore he would fay, without any reserve, that if the.Æommons should pass the Mutiny bill for one month, and^ihcLords should extend it to twelve months, sooner than sufRHflnch an encroachment upon the privileges of the Commons, which would be the forerunner of this degradation, he would let the Mutiny bill expire; because it were better that the army should be disbanded than that the constitution of this country should be overturned. He desired, however, that he might not be understood to have the least idea of suffering the Mutiny act to expire. He was sure that, there was not a man in the house who entertained it. He himself was seriously determined it should come on on Tuesday," at least he would vote for its being brought forward on that day; and though that he was of opinion that a short bill should pass, in order that the House might guard against a dissolution, he would assure the House tljat he did not mean to keep them sitting all the year, by rrteans of short Mutiny bills: he wished only that the House might have time to "dispatch all the great business before them; and when that should have been done, he would not object to a long Mutiny bill, and dissolution ; and he was convinced, that by this manner of acting, he should promote, and not delay the consideration of public affairs. For if the House weie not permitted to go through the business till May or June, it would be better for the country, and cause a greater dispatch of business,

than than if Parliament should be dissolved in April, and a new one called in June, to sit all July and August. He said he could not sit down without making some remarks upon some new doctrines, that he had this day, for the sirst time in his life, heard laid down. It was said that the King might, by his prerogative, keep the army together, even after the Mutiny act had expired. This was a discovery, which, if founded in a law, might well make men tremble for their liberty. Did those who maintained such a doctrine recollect the very sirst clause in every Mutiny act —" Whereas a standing army in time of peace, without consent of Parliament, is contrary to law." Could prerogative exercise a power which had been declared by above one hundred acts of Parliament to be-illegal? He could not conceive where such a doctrine had been discovered. But, it might be said, the army had already been voted, and the King might keep it together by martial law. Were gentlemen in earnest in advancing this proposition? Did not they know that an army could not be kept together without discipline? and discipline must be maintained by the dread of punishment. But what punishment could be inflicted on a soldier but by law? How could any sentence affecting life or limb be carried into execution but by law? And when it was declared that a standing army, without consent of Parliament, in time of peace, was contrary to law, how could it be said that there was a law for punishing soldiers for mutiny or desertion, if an army existed in desiance of Parliament? But he would go farther, and say, that if even the King, in time of war, by martial law had assembled an army, he could not punish military offences, but under the authority of a Mutiny act; for nothing short of a positive act of Parliament could take away the soldier's right, as a citizen, to be tried by his Pe*rs. It had been said, that the money had been voted for the payment of the army; but this was nothing to the purpose; for in fact there was no right or power in Ministers to issue any sum voted by Parliament, until the act appropriating that sum for the purpose for which it was voted should have passed. It ought also to be remembered, that a prorogation or dissolution does away every vote of supply, not carried into an act of Parliament before such prorogation or dissolution; and therefore, if the present Parliament should be dissolved or prorogued under *.the present circumstances, the votes of army, navy, ordnance, and supply of every kind, must necessarily fall to the ground,

Mr. Powyi. Mr. Powys said, that though he knew the conduct of those who opposed Ministers, would be placed in the most invidieps point of view, still he was resolved to do what he conceived to be his duty to the public, and to the constitution; and therefore he. would vote for the adjournment of the order of the day. He wished to adhere to the rule which the House had vyisely adopted on two former occasions, which was not to proceed to any important business until the House should have taken into consideration the Ring's answer. The last received from His Majesty was an answer indeed! He wished therefore for time to pause. He wished for time to sned a tear over the expiring dignity of the House of Commons; for time to regulate the funeral procession of this House of Commons. He lamented that Ministers were determined to continue their mad career, and set prerogative above the privileges of the people. As to the Mutiny bill, he was sure no man had an intention to refuse to pass it: for what length of time would be a question. On that question he had an opinion, which he would not easily, be driven from; but which, in the present state of the business, he would not declare, because it was premature. Mr. Brooke Mr- Brooke Watson reprobated delay in very strong terms; Witson. ij, had been, he said, the ruin of this country; through delay the American war had failed; delay had been the cause of the failure of the action of the 27th of July. Delay in point of business, and in every point of view, was dangerous, and therefore he said he would vote against a motion, the sole object of which appeared to him to be delay. The Earl of The Earl of Surrey said, that the conversation upon, the Surrey. Mutiny bill naturally led him to ask a question about the Hessian troops now in this kingdom. He did not believe there was any evil design in keeping them here; but still it w;as an object of jealousy that foreign troops should be l*ipt Ib long in Great Britain. He wished therefore to be informed what was the reason for which they were kept here. TheSecre- The Secretary as War replied, that when the noble Lord tuy «Wv. knew,, and confessed that he believed that the Hessians had been kept merely from necessity, it did not appear so candid, that any doubt should be started on a subject that would naturally excite jealousy among the people, though those who started it knew there was no ground for jealousy. Tho only reason for which the Hessians had been kept was, that the Weser was entirely frozen. The frost had not been broke up in this coqntry .abovx a fortnight, and during that 2 time

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