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verfy of such a kind. AU things considered, he said he did not intend to Hop the supplies: that the country was ruined, and completely undone, was most clear; that public credit could not stand; that, our foreign concerns must run to ruin, he believed every man must now fee; those however were responsible, who had brought the country into this state of distraction; for his part, so far from stopping the supplies, he should press Ministers to bring forward the public business; he would bring on his own amended India bill; but if it was lost in the other House, Ministers were boundto come forward with some new plan for India: and indeed every part of our public affairs cried aloud for their instant attention. Mr. Fox then defended Mr. Powys and Mr. Marlham from thecharges of inconsistency ; he said they could not abet Ministers, for whom they professed even a predilection, in their resistance to the House of Commons. Some there were who had agreed with him in the outset of the dispute, but who (as appeared by the decrease of the majorities} had gone over to the sideof Administration.—How to. defend the consistency of such men was indeed difficult; and it was some comfort to find, that on examining the persons of such deserters, it appeared that those who had come over to him were men every way respectable; while those who had lest him, on the other hand, (as was naturally to be expected) were men of whose company and of whose society no man, he believed, was ever very ambitious. Mr. Fox said something concerning the total impossibility of union which now appeared; the right honourable gentleman had proved himself so averse to it, even in the opinion of some who were his friends, that the world would know on which side to lay the blame, and who it was that they were to charge with immoderate ambition. He. then moved—" That an humble representation be presented to His Majesty, most humbly to testify the surprize and affliction of this House, on receiving the answer which His Majesty's Ministers have advised to the dutiful and seasonable address of this House, concerning one of the most important acts of His Majesty's government—To express our concern, that when His Majesty's paternal goodness has graciously inclined His Majesty to be sensible of the advantage to be derived from such an Administration as was pointed out in our resolution, His Majesty should still be induced to prefer the opinions of individuals to the repeated advice of the representatives of the people in Parliament assembled, with respect to the means of obtaining so desirable an end—To represent to His Majesty, that a preference of this nature>is as injurious to the true inte
rests of the Crown, as it is wholly repugnant to the spirit of our free Constitution, that systems founded on such a preference are not, in truth, entirely new in this country; that they have been the characteristic statures of those unfortunate reigns, the maxims of which are now justly and universally exploded; while His Majesty and his royal progenitors have been sixed in the hearts of their people, and have commanded the respect and admiration os all the nations of the earth, by a constant and uniform attention to the advice of their Commons, however adverse such advice may have been to the opinions of the executive servants of the Crown—To assure His Majesty, that we neither have disputed, nor mean, in any instance, to dispute, much less to deny, His Majesty's undoubted prerogative of appointing to the executive offices of State such persons as to His Majesty's wisdom shall seem meet: but, at the same time, that we must, with all humility, again submit to His Majesty's royal wisdom, that no Administration, however legally appointed, can serve His Majesty and the public with esfect which does not enjoy the considence of this House :—that in His Majesty's present Administration we cannot conside-; the circumstances under which it was constituted. and the grounds upon which it continues, have created just suspicions in the breasts of his faithful Commons, that principles are adopted, and views entertained, unfriendly to the privileges of this House, and to the freedom of our excellent Constitution; that we have made no charge against any of them, because it is their removal, and not their punishment, which we have desired; and that we humbly conceive we are warranted, by the antient usage of this House, to desire such removal without making any charge whatever; that considence may be very prudently withheld, where no criminal process can be properly instituted: that although we have made no criminal charge against any individual of His Majesty's Ministers, yet, with all. humility, we do conceive, that we have stated to His Majesty very distinct objections, and very forcible reasons, against their continuance. That with regard to the propriety of admitting either the present Ministers, or any other persons, as a part of that extended and united Administration, which His Majesty, in concurrence with the sentiments of this House, considers as requisite; it is a point upon which we are too well acquainted with the bounds of our duty to presume to offer any advice to His Majesty, well knowing it to be the undoubted prerogative of His Majesty to appoint his Ministers without any previous advice from either House of Parliament; and our duty humbly to offer to His Majesty our advice, when such appointments stiall appear to us to be prejudicial to the public service. —«To acknowledge, with gratitude, His Majesty's goodness in not considering the failure of his recent endeavours as a final bar to the accomplishment of the gracious purpose which His Majesty has in view, and to express the great concern and mortification with which we find ourselves obliged to declare, that the consolation which we should naturally have derived from His Majesty's most gracious disposition, is considerably abated by understanding that His Majesty's advisers have not thought fit to suggest to His Majesty any farther steps toremove the difficulties which obstruct so desirable an end—To recall to His Majesty's recollection, that his faithful Commons have already submitted to his Majesty, most humbly, but most distinctly, their opinion upon this subject; that they can have no interests but those of his Majesty and of their constituents; whereas, it is needless to suggest to His Majesty's wisdom and discernment, that individual advisers may be actuated by very different motives—To express our most unfeigned gratitude for His Majesty's royal assurances that he does not call in question the. right of this House to offer their advice to His Majesty on every proper occasion, touching the exercise of any branch of his royal prerogative, and of His Majesty's readiness, at all.times, to receive such advice, and to give it the most attentive consideration—To declare that we recognize in these g.racious expressions those excellant and constitutional sentiments, which we have ever been accustomed to hear from the Throne since the glorious æra of the Revolution, and which have peculiarly characterized His Majesty, and the Princes of his illustrious House; but, to lament that these most gracious expressions, while they inspire us with additional affection and gratitude towards His Majesty's royal person, do not a little contribute to increase our suspicions of those men who have advised His Majesty in direct contradiction to these assurances, to neglect the advice of his Commons', and to retain in his service an Administration, whose continuance in office we have so repeatedly and so distinctly condemned.—To represent to His Majesty, that it has anciently been the practice of this House to withhold supplies until grievances were redressed; and that if we were to follow this course in the present conjuncture, we should be warranted in our proceeding, as well by the most approved precedents, as by the spirit of the Constitution itself; but if, in consideration of the very peculiar exigencies of the times, we should be induced to wave sot the present the exercise, in this instance,, of our undoubted,
legal and constitutional mode of obtaining redress, that we
The Earl of Surrey seconded Mr. Fox's motion.
Mr. Dundas said, it was long ago, that he had made his M>.Duftdat humble attempt to stop the House in that riiad and desperate career, upon which they seemed then determined, arid he had been vehemently charged with audacity for the attempt. Perhaps audacity would be again imputed to him, but he was determined again to step forth, and humbly to remonstrate to the House on the absurdity, the utter impropriety, the inutility, and at the same time on the danger and the mischief of the present motion. The present he understood to be the final consummation of this monstrous system of outrage on the
Vol. XIII. N n Constitution.
Constitution. If the right honourahle gentleman had been founded in constitutional principles during his late attempts, if he had built his projects on the old and sure foundations of this Constitution; those tried foundations would not thus have failed him: the House of Commons, he insisted had that force, that superiority which would enable it to bear down every other branch of the Legislature provided only that it was engaged in a found cause; but not even the House of Commons had power to enforce its own unconstitutional resolutions. The general principles of the right honourable gentleman, in this representation, which he had moved, were what no man living would deny : he only lamented that the right honourable gentlemen dared not avow in this his manifesto to the world, (for such he considered it) those principles which he and others had dared to avow in the course of their speeches. Why will he not, for instance, instead of saying to His Majesty, "that this House has a right to declare their want of confidence in Ministers." Why will he not insert, " that the House claims a right of negativing His Majesty's appointment of Ministers, without giving a single reason?" This indeed might alarm the country; this might not suit the purpose of his manifesto, which he understood was meant rather as something of the healing kind. But why fend it to His Majesty, forbidding at the fame time any answer? Why not publisti it to the world, after the manner of other manifestos, with a becoming title? "Whereas, this House is universally supposed to have been committing lately the most dangerous and alarming outrages on the Constitution of these realms: and whereas thousands of our faithful constituents have taken violent alarm at our proceedings; be it known, therefore to all counties, cities, and boroughs, that, &c." 1 fay, Sir, continued Mr. Dundas, this should be the preamble of your manifesto; and then counter declarations might be published against it, which would serve to bring the matter to a fair issue. Persons might then be sent through the country with it in the fame manner as I understand they are now sent with pamphlets about secret influence, and the dignity of this House, and many other subjects, of such an abstruse and difficult nature, that I confess I fear few country people will comprehend them. Nay, Sir, as I understand, noblemen even, one personage in particular, a member of that reprobate House, which the right honourable gentleman has been speaking of, is set out, as I am told, upon his travels, with such piles of pamphlets as are reckoned sufficient to open the eyes of all this country. - But in truth, Sirt it is high time to asii ourselves, whether it is this