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fusions, and had told them, that, as such, having voted the former resolutions, they were bound to vote that as a matter of course. Thus artfully had the House been kept from examining any one of the various questions that had been brought forward singly, but had*been insidiously led on from, one to another, without knowing whither they were to be led, or at what degree of violence they were to be permitted to stop. He begged them, however, to consider the present question as it realty was, and, to ask. themselves, if it were at, all likely to further the purpose of the motion that had been, voted that day. For his part, so fair from its having such tendency, he could consider it no otherwise than as an effect tual bar to the union so much desired by the respectable and independent gentlemen, who had called for such a measure, and had exerted themselves in so laudable a manner to trine it about. The honourable gentleman who spoke last, had declared his disapprobation of the resolutions on the Journals; and had nevertheless said, unless the previous question was moved, he must vote for the present motion. This was a declaration which Mr. Pitt declared he could by no means reconcile. On the contrary, those who disapproved of the first resolutions., he thought were in consistency bound to resist the conclusion, which the present tended to establish as. the; riatural consequence arising from them. Having put .thi$ Very pointedly, and contended"that tbe former resolution? were not founded in any facts that had been proved, nor in 3ny charge that had been substantiated, he urged the bad effects that would result from voting the motion then under consideration.

'Th^ honotirable gentleman who spoke last, had talked of the fortress in which he was situated, and had declared, that he did not wish him to march out of it with a halter about his neck — The only fortress he knew of or ever desired to have a share in defending, was the fortress of the Constitution. For that he would resist every attack, and every attempt to seduce him out of it that could bej made. With what regard to personal honour or public principle could it be expected, that he should consent to march out of it with a halter about his neck, change his armour, and meanly beg to be re-admitted and considered as a Volunteer in the army of the enemy? To put himself into such a predicament, and to trust to the foe to loosen an<J take off from his neck the halter that he was expected to march but with, was a degree of humiliation to which he «ever would condescend, and he spoke not merely for hiirtr self, but for much greater men, with whom he acted, and whose sentiments upon the subject he was persuaded h« delivered distinctly. After speaking of this in a stile of great eloquence, he said, wishing as he did, xo meet th« desires of the respectable and independent gentlemen by receding to an union upon principle, he had done every thing in his power to facilitate such a measure, That the sacrisice of the sentiments pf men of honour was no light matter, and when it was considered, how much was to bf 'given up in order to open a negotiation for union, when it was 'considered what insulting attacks had been made and what clamours had been excited, he conceived some regard ought to be paid to his being willing to meet the wishep pf those respectable individuals who had called for an union pf parties. To accomplish that object was a matter greatly to be desired, and for that, and for that alone, was he ready to encounter the disagreeablenese that aster what had passed must necessarily be supposed to be felt by him in acr ceding to the proposition. With regard, however, to the resignation of Ministers, he saw no reason for it — If that House insisted upon their going out, there were two constitutional means open to them, either by impeachment tQ proceed against them for their crimes, if they had committed any, or by an immediate address to the Crown to desire their removal. The removal of. Ministers lay with che Crown, and not with that House; in remaining in ofsice, therefore, with a. view tp keep the country free from anarchy and confusion, and to prevent the government from falling a prey to that Administration which had been removed, and suffering them to force themselves upon the Sovereign against his will, was neither illegal nor unconstitutional. Mr. fitt enlarged on these ideas, and repeated it, that the present Administration not having resigned, because they had not the support of that House, was by po means contrary to law or the constitution;.

As soon as the Chancellor of the Exchequer fat down the House divided, Ayes, 223, Noes, 204, Majority 19,''

February 3. -'

Mr. Coke (of Norfolk) rose aster the private business was Mr. Coke, over; he said he was sorry that the motion which he had the honour to make last night had not as yet produced any '.'effect-,

effect; the honour and consequence of tha*t House were both concerned, and called upon its members to take care that the resolutions of the House should not remain a dead letter. He then moved, that the two resolutions which were passed last night mould be read; which having been done, he moved, "That the said resolutions be humbly laid before His Majesty by such Members of this House as are of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council."

Mr. Welbore Ellis seconded the motion. A debate ensued, which, though it lasted till near eleven o'clock, had nothing in it very interesting, and very little novelty. The speeches of most of the members who took part in it being in a great measure repetitions of what was said yesterday. For this reason we shall not go much into detail in our account of it. Mr. Pitt and Lord North did not speak at all during the debate, nor did Mr. Fox, except for a minute or two on point of order. EatINogent Earl Nugent expressed his fears that the measures which gentlemen were now going to adopt, would prevent that union from which so much good might be expected. The united abilities of all parties would find enough to do to save this sinking nation; and therefore he sliould greatly lament is any hasty step should deprive the country os the abilities of any man who might be serviceable to it. The right honourable gentleman at the head of the Treasui y had the most shining talents; and every one acknowledged the extraordinary abilities of the right honourable gentleman over the way, whom he sincerely wished to fee in office: he was good natured, -condescending and affable; he was an agreeable and pliant companion, and so was Julius Cæsar; that great man also like the right honourable gentleman, had great connections; but when he went too far they fell off from him and opposed him — Brutus was the friend of Cæsar 5 but Cæsar having gone so far as to make himself the enemy of his country, made Brutus his enemy. The right honourable gentleman was leading the House on from step to step, but where he would stop no one could so much as guess.

Mr. Dun- Mr. Duncombe said he disapproved of the motion on aceombe. count of the form as well as the substance of it. It would have been a more manly way to address the Crown at once, than to fend up resolutions to it which seemed to be in their nature mandatory. He then launched put into a

panepanegyric of Mr. Pitt, in whom he could find no fault; and he could not consent to apply to the King to dismiss a faultless Minister.

Lord Delaval declared himself a friend to the motion; Lnrd D* he courted not, he said, the smiles of any man, and he ****** feared the frowns of no man — The Constitution he believed had been in danger, but the spirit of that House had preserved it. It was folly to ejfpect a Ministry could stand when unsupported by the House of Commons; and it was equal folly in any set of men to expect support from that House, who owed their situations to means the most repugnant to every idea of the Constitution. There was nothing in the motion which in the smallest degree affected the chracter of the right honourable gentleman over the way; it did not in any degree exclude him from a future arrangement, " Let him, said his Lordship, but quit the situation that he owes to means which this House condemns, let him then come in at the door fairly and, openly in the face of the world, and not by dark passages and back stairs, and we will receive him with open arms."

Mr. Willerforce said, if gentlemen called to their recol- Mr. W0lection the words of his right honourable friend the night kerforce. before, they must know that now there was very little if any probability left of a general union. And how, he said could it be expected, that after such violence, men.of character could ally themselves with persons of whom they did not think well, even though penetrated with the most sincere feeling that union was necessary to the deliverance of the country. He did not think with the honourable gentleman who had spoken some time ago, that the present motion was more moderate than an address. In his mind it was less so — it was much stronger than an address, and more unpleasant — It wanted the humility and respect of an address — It was more sullen in its aspect; for it approached the Throne in a way by which the Crown could not answer, and by which they were prevented from hearing what might be the sentiments of his Majesty on the subject. He had not approved of the conduct of the opposite side os the House from the beginning — It had been divided into parts, with an intention secretly and blindly to commit the House, and to lead them on from measure to measure, because the leaders were perfectly acquainted that it was only by this means that they could have been brought on such ground to their present violent piocceed1" "' " "'' ings.

ingS. It was averred that Ministers had eom'e into place try unconstitutional means. He wished to enquire info the truth of this assertion. What were the circumstances? A noble person was said to have given advice td his Sovereign on a bill passing through the Upper House. This advice he gave without going in the dark, without taking any secret midnight opportunity of gaining the Royal ear. He had done it publicly, and therefore, in his mind, fairly. There was nothing unconstitutional in this, for it Was a matter perfectly understood, that His Majesty had by the Constitution a number of hereditary counsellors besides the particular persons who weie for the time being his confidential servants. But it was said that the Royal word had been made use of to insluence the votes of the Bedchamber Lord's in the Upper House against the Eaft-drtdia bill. 1 f this was true, he confessed he should consider this as an unconstitutional and most scandalous use of the Royal name. Ministers had some right to consider the votes of the Bedchamber Lords as pledged to their measures; but was it exactly the fact that the East-India bill was thrown out by the votes of the Bedchamber Lords? The majority against it on the contrary was nineteen, and all those who voted agairist that bill were not surely to be charged with yielding obedience to the Royal desire. But what had this to do with the appointment of the present Ministers? If the East-India bill had passed the House of Lords with as great a majority as it did the House of Commons, still be should have thanked the Crown for dismissing the late Ministers. They had m his mind shewn themselves unworthy the considence of the country, and His Majesty had deserved the thanks of his people for dismissing a set of Ministers capable of bringing into Parliament such a bill. Lord John Lord John Cavendish was strenuous for the motion, C»vsndisli. thinking it tne moft apposite and delicate which the House in its present circumstances could poffibly adopt. He replied to the honourable gentleman who spoke before. He denied that the Union so urged by a respectable body of country gentlemen could be expected to happen precisely as they wished; the differences to be adjusted were many and important. There seemed in the opinion of both parties something which they considered as sacred, and not on any consideration to be abandoned. This induced him to mention the Coalition, which he did in terms of great approbation, and appealed to the grounds on which it took

place,

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