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place, not as merely theoretical, but as fairly and openly reduced to practice. He was one of those who could not account for the conduct of the Minister, in so flatly contradicting the opinion of the House, and treating their most earnest wishes with contumacy and insult. He hoped, for these and various other reasons, which he stated with great modesty and pertinence, that the mode of the present pro-i position would meet the general approbation of the House.' He was sure none, all things considered, could be more moderate, mote respectful to the Crown, as well as more, becoming the manliness, the dignity, and the temper of the House; and whatever answer it might produce, though even attended with none of those effects which undoubtedly might be expected, still it would remain on the Journals of the House an express and striking instance of their magnanimity, under circumstances singularly provoking and novel. He was very certain that the American war was originally the war of Parliament. It originated with Parliament, and was supported by Parliament. The voice of the people was also in the first instance in its favour. The miserable consequences only which attended its progress opened their eyes to its iniquity and the ruin which Would assuredly mark its farther prosecution. This he ventured to foretel would most undoubtedly have been the effect of the India bill. Whatever murmuring mult have attended its promulgation, the operations of such a plan would soon have produced the most popular impressions. It appeared to him one of those few measures which was singularly calculated to please the people of this country. They were fond of whatever asserted the general fights of humanity, and this was the character of that bill in a very eminent degree.

'Lord Mulgravc reprobated the motion, as hot by any means Lord calculated to produce the object to which it pointed, and g»««» for the attainment of which it seemed principally designed. He reminded Lord John Cavendish of his ancestors, and •stated their politics in the reign of King William the Third. This he brought home to the present question, and at the same time declared, that in no period of our history were parties so equally divided. The comparison between the present Ministers and their predecessors appeared to him unavoidable. The abilities on both sides the House were, in his mind, great, and hardly -to be parallelled in any other age or nation oh the face of the earth. Vol. XIII. 1 K But

But the salvation of the country required virtue as well as talents: and in this respect he protested there could not be a question. It was obviously and strikingly in favour of . his Lordship's side of the house. The situation of Great

Britain demanded such a Ministry as could venture on measures adequate, at least in some degree, to our present relief. This required the confidence and the voice of the public*. The right honourable gentleman over against him, he doubted, was not that person. His intended plan of superinducing a new power in the constitution had, in his opinion, destroyed his credit with the public. It certainly had this effect, and in his opinion very justly, for it went great and unwarrantable lengths. In enumerating these, his Lordship meniioned his present Majesty, and declared the bill which had been brought into that House by the right honourable gentleman, and the conduct of the House of Commons since, trampled the Brunswick line under foot. "Mr. Fox. Mr. hox here called the noble Lord to order. The name os Majesty ought never to be used in the house to affect the debate one way or other; and therefore he apprehended the use which had been made of it chargeable with that consequence and impropriety.

Lord Muigrave endeavoured to establish a distinction between mentioning the name of Sovereign, as affected by 'the proceedings of the House, and affecting them. He then inveighed against Mr. Fox, and called him invader and plunderer.

Mr. Dtmp- Mr. Dempster called his Lordship to order a second time, and appealed to his own candour and good sense, whether his Repeated asperities did not tend to widen instead of closing those diffentions which at present existed both within and without doors, lord M«U Lord Muigrave expressed his obligation to his honourable *f*ve:. friend for this interference, and apologised for any expression which he might have dropped liable to such a con■ struction.

Mr. Sheri- Mr. Sheridan said, the noble Lord had laid down a principle some days ago, which prevented him from being surprised at any thing the noble Lord should advance. He itated, that in the appointment ojf Ministers the Crown ought not to consider beforehand, whether .they siiould be able to obtain the support of the House of Commons. It had frequently been said, that when there was a good understanding between the Ministers of the Crown and the . ,' - • House

Lord'Muigrave.

House of Commons, there was ground for apprehending that they were under the influence of corruption; but at present the noble Lord might rejoice; for there was not now the least room for apprehending that the House was in danger of being corrupted by keeping up too good an understanding with the Ministers of the Crown, who were now at open variance with the House. If the Ministers and the House of Commons were closely united, the noble Lord might poffibly call their union adultery; but when the Ministers and the House of Lords were united in the fame bands, his Lordship would probably call that union a legal marriage. As to what the noble Lord had quoted about Lord Somers, it was not at all applicable to the present case; for Lord Somers, on the occasion alluded to, stood upon very different ground from that of the present Ministers: there was an impeachment in one cafe, and none in the other. The right honourable gentleman at the head of his Majesty's Councils had on a former day said, that he stood sirm in the fortress of the constitution; but could any fortress be called the fortress of the constitution, which was not garrisoned by the House of C mmons? They were the natural defenders of the fort. 1 here might possibly be indeed a Lieutenant-governor of the fort, who, though he did not mix in the battle, was not less the commander, though his orders were not publicly delivered. The House of Commons ought to inspect the works, and fee that' no sap was carrying on which might dismantle it. The present Ministers were labouring to erect a fabric, that might shield them against every attack; but they were erecting it on ground that wa6 already undermined; and however strong the pillars might be, however solid and sirm the buttresses, however well turned the arches; yet, as the foundation must be weak, when the ground was undermined, not only the building could not stand, but the very weight of k would serve only to precipitate its fall. Secret influence was what undermined the whole; it constituted a fourth estate in the constitution; for it did not belong to the King, it did not belong to the Lords, it did not be-^ long to the Commons. The Lords disclaimed it, and the Commons found themselves thwarted by it in all their ope* rations. An honourable member had asked if the coalition pf the right honourable gentleman with the noble Lord had not lessened the considence of his friends in the former: he would endeavour to .give as satisfactory an answer

K % as $s he could to this question. When the idea of a coalition with the noble Lord was sirst started, he confessed that he had advised his right honourable friend not to accept of it, and his reason was this : — His right honourable friend had great popularity, which he'might lose by a coalition j respectable friends, whom he might disgust, amd prejudices of the strongest nature to combat. He made no doubt but similar objections occurred to the friends of the noble Lord, and that they were urged to him, in order to dissuade him from coalescing with his right honourable friend. Mutual diffidence between men long accustomed to oppose tine another, might naturally be expected. The prejudices of the public all concurred to prevent this coalition. The middling class of people, for whom he had the highest respect, and to whom the House of Commons must look for support in every emergency, sooner than to the great, were not certainly the best qualisied to judge of nice and reT sined points of politics: accustomed to judge of measures by men, he apprehended that they would give themselves no time to examine the principles, motives, and grounds of a coalition; but condemn it on its sirst appearance, merely because it was composed of men who had long been political enemies: on these grounds, full of apprehension for the character of his right honourable friend, he most certainly jgave him his advice against a coalition. 'But when the necessities of the times at last pointed it out as the only means of salvation to this country, when from the opportunities he had had of seeing the noble Lord and his friends, and proving the honour, fairness, openness, and steadiness of their conduct, not only he did not condemn the coalition^ but he rejoiced that it had taken place in spite even of his own advice: diffidence soon gave way to the most perfect Teliance on the honour of the noble Lord, and on that of his friends, and their steady adherence to those principles which had been laid down as the basis of the coalition. It was unnecessary, therefore, after saying this, that he should tell the House his considence in his right honourable friend had not felt the smallest diminution: fully acquainted with his character, he knew that he looked down with indifference, if not with contempt, on riches, places, and dignities, as things by no means necessary to his happiness: it was his right honourable friend's ambition to deserve and preserve the esteem and considence of his friends; and he was sure that he would sacrisice neither, for all that place and cmolnment could bestow upon him. Having said so much in defence'of the coalition, he could not help expressing his surprise that he heard so much about it from the other side of the House; and the more he looked at the Treasury Bench, the more his astonishment grew upon him; for there the gentlemen who were actually sitting upon it were divided into pairs, each of which was composed of a member who« had supported the noble Lord in the blue ribband and of another who had opposed him. Those gentlemen, speaking to each other, might thus address each other: one might fay, "I supported Lord North through the whole of his administration, but left him at last, when I found he had formed a coalition with that abominable man Charles Fox.'* The other might reply, " And I joined Mr. Fox for manyyears in his opposition to Government; till at last I found it necessary to abandon him, when he disgraced himself by a coalition with that abominable man Lord North.". If the state of the public credit and the funds should become the subject of discussion in that House, one of the members of the Treasury Bench may very probably say, "it was the cursed American war of Lord North that brought this ruin upon our funds;" this would instantly call up his friend on tiie fame bench, who would immediately reply " no; the American war was a just and constitutional war; it was the opposition given to it by the rebel-encourager Charles Fox, who caused the failure of it; and this brought ruin on the country." Thus a Treasury, formed on anti-coalition principles, was itself a chain of coalitions: the grand coalition, which was the butt of every man's invective, had begot other coalitions; but there was this difference between the parent and the offspring, that with the former all was harmony, concord, and union; while the latter retained the heterogeneous principles of their original opposition, which made them still a prey to discord and confusion. An honourable gentleman had said that the majority in the coalition was formed of persons who 'represented the rotten treasury boroughs, and who were brought in by the noble Lord in the blue ribband, when he was at the head of the Treasury: but that reproach was ill founded; for the coalition had been purged of such members, some of whom having spurned the hand that made them, and turned their backs on their friend and benefactor, had found a happy asylum in the bo* som of Administration. From this subject turning to ano« ther, Mr. Sheridan observed, that if it was improper to interfere

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