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place, not as merely theoretical, but as fairly and openly'
reduced to practice. He was one of those who could not
account for the conduct of the Minister, in fo flatly con-
tradicting the opinion of the House, and treating their most
earnest wishes with contumacy and insult. He hoped, for
these and various other reasons, which he stated with great
modesty and pertinence, that the mode of the present prod
position would meet the general approbation of the House:
He was sure none, all things considered, could be more
moderate, more respectful to the Crown, as well as more
becoming the manliness, the dignity, and the temper of
the Houfe; and whatever answer it might produce, though
even attended with none of those effects which undoubt-
edly might be expected, still it would remain on the Jour-
nals of the House an express and striking instance of their
magnanimity, under circumstances singularly provoking
and novel. He was very certain that the American war
was originally the war of Parliament. It originated with
Parliament, and was supported by Parliament. The voice
of the people was also in the first instance in its favour.
The miserable consequences only which attended its pro-
gress opened their eyes to its iniquity and the ruin which
would assuredly mark its farther profecution. This he
ventured to foretel would most undoubtedly have been the
effect of the India bill. Whatever murmuring must have
attended its promulgation, the operations of such a plan
would soon have produced the most popular impressions. It
appeared to him one of those few measures which was fingu.
larly calculated to please the people of this country. They
were fond of whatever aflerted the general rights of hua
manity, and this was the character of that bill in a very

eminent degree. 1 Lord Mulgrave reprobated the motion, as not by any means Lord Muty

calculated to produce the object to which it pointed, and grave. for the attainment of which it seemed principally designed. He reminded Lord John Cavendish of his anceftors, and stated their politics in the reign of King William the Third. This he brought 'home to the present question, and at the same time declared, that in no period of our history were parties so equally divided. The comparison between the present Ministers and their predecessors apa peared to him unavoidable. The abilities on both sides the House were, in his mind, great, and hardly to be parala lelled in any other age or nation on the face of the earth. VOL. XIII,

But

· But the salvation of the country required virtue as well as
talents : and in this respect he protested there could not be
a question. It was obviously and strikingly in favour of
his Lordship's side of the house. The situation of Great
Britain demanded such a Ministry as could venture on mea-'.
sures adequate, at least in some degree, to our present re-
lief. This required the confidence and the voice of the
public. The right honourable gentleman over against him,
he doubted, was not that person. His intended plan of su-
perinducing a new power in the constitution had, in his
opinion, destroyed his credit with the public. It certainly
had this effect, and in his opinion very justly, for it went
great and unwarrantable lengths. In enumerating thefe, his
Lordship meniioned his present Majesty, and declared the
bill which had been brought into that House by the right
honourable gentleman, and the conduct of the House of

Commons fince, trampled the Brunswick line under foot. Mr. Fox. Mr. Hox here called the noble Lord to order. The name

of Majesty ought never to be used in the house to affect the debate one way or other; and therefore he apprehended the use which had been made of it chargeable with that

consequence and impropriety. Lord’ Mul Lord Mulgrave endeavoured to establish a distinction begrave.

tween mentioning the name of Sovereign, as affected by the proceedings of the House, and affecting them. He then inveighed against Mr. Fox, and called him invader

and plunderer. . Mr. Demp. Mr. Dempfler called his Lordship to order a second time, fter.

and appealed to his own candour and good sense, whether his repeated afperities did not tend to widen instead of closing those diffentions which at present existed both

within and without doors. Lord Mub. Lord Mulgrave expressed his obligation to his honourable grave.. friend for this interference, and apologised for any expres. fion which he might have dropped liable to such a con

struction. Mr. Sheri- Mr. Sheridan said, the noble Lord had laid down a prin. dan.

ciple some days ago, which prevented him from being surprised at any thing the noble Lord should advance. He liated, that in the appointment of Ministers the Crown ought not to consider beforehand, whether they should be able to obtain the support of the House of Commons. It had. frequently been said, that when there was a good understanding between the Ministers of the Crown and the

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House of Commons, there was ground for apprehending that they were under the influence of corruption ; but at present the noble Lord might rejoice ;. for there was not now the least room for apprehending that the House was in danger of being corrupted by keeping up too good an. understanding with the Ministers of the Crown, who were now at open variance with the House. If the Ministers and the House of Commons were closely united, the noble Lord might possibly call their union adultery ; but when the Ministers and the House of Lords were united in the same bands, his Lordship would probably call that union a legal marriage. As to what the noble Lord had quoted about Lord Somers, it was not at all applicable to the pre. fent, cafe ; for Lord Somers, on the occasion alluded to, stood upon very different ground from that of the present Ministers : there was an impeachment in one case, and none in the other. The right honourable gentleman at the head of his Majesty's Councils had on a former day said, that he stood firm in the fortress of the constitution; but could any fortress be called the fortress of the constitution, which was not garrisoned by the House of Commons ? They were the natural defenders of the fort. There might possibly be indeed a Lieutenant-governor of the fort, who, though he did not mix in the battle, was not less the commander, though his orders were not publicly delivered. The House of Commons ought to inspect the works, and see that no sap was carrying on which might dismantle it. The present Ministers were labouring to erect a fabric, that might shield them against every attack; but they were erecting it on ground that was already undermined ; and however strong the pillars might be, however solid and firm the buttresses, however well turned the arches; yet, as the foundation 'must be weak, when the ground was undermined, not only the building could not stand, but the very weight of it would serve only to precipitate its fall. Secret influence was what undermined the whole ; it constituted a fourth estate in the constitution; for it did not belong · to the King, it did not belong to the Lords, it did not be long to the Commons. The Lords disclaimed it, and the Commons found themselves thwarted by it in all their ope. rations. An honourable member had aiked if the coalition of the right honourable gentleman with the noble Lord had not lessened the confidence of his friends in the for. mer : he would endeavour to give as satisfactory an answer . K 2

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as he could to this question. When the idea of a coalition with the noble Lord was first started, he confessed that he had advised his right honourable friend not to accept of it, and his reason was this: -- His right honourable friend had

great popularity, which he might lose by a coalition; re· fpectable friends, whom he might disguit, and prejudices of the strongest nature to combat. He made no doubt but fimilar objections occurred to the friends of the noble Lord, and that they were urged to him, in order to diffuade him from coalescing with his right honourable friend. Mutual dissidence between men long accustomed to oppose one another, might naturally be expected. The prejudices of the public all concurred to prevent this coalition. The middling class of people, for whom he had the highest respect, and to whom the House of Commons muft look for support in every emergency, sooner than to the great, were not certainly the best qualified to judge of nice and refined points of politics : accustomed to judge of measures by men, he apprehended that they would give themselves no time to examine the principles, motives, and grounds of a coalition; but condemn it on its first appearance, merely because it was coinposed of men who had long been political enemies : on these grounds, full of apprehension for the character of his right honourable friend, he most certainly gave him his advice againft a coalition. But when the neceffities of the times at last pointed it out as the only means of salvation to this country, when from the opportunities he had had of seeing the noble Lord and his friends, and proving the honour, fairness, openness, and feadiness of their conduct, not only he did not condemn the coalition, but he rejoiced that it had taken place in spite even of his own advice ; diffidence foon gave way to the most perfe&t reliance on the honour of the poble Lord, and on that of his friends, and their steady adherence to those principles which had been laid down as the basis of the coalition. It was unnecessary, therefore, after saying this, that he should tell the House his confidence in his right honourable friend had not felt the finallest diminution: fully acquainted with his character, he knew that he looked down with indifference, if not with contempt, on riches, places, and dignities, as things by no means neceffary to his happiness; it was his right honourable friend's ambition to deserve and preserve the esteem and confidence of his friends; and he was fure that he would sacrifice neither, for all that place and emolda

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ment could bestow upon him. Having said so much in defence of the coalition, he could not help expressing his sura prile that he heard fo much about it from the other side of the House; and the more he looked at the Treasury Bench, the more his astonishment grew upon him; for there the gentlemen who were actually sitting upon it were divided ịnto pairs, each of which was composed of a member who had supported the noble Lord in the blue ribband and of another who had opposed him. Those gentlemen, speaking to each other, might thus addrefs each other : one might fay, “I supported Lord North through the whole of his adminiftration, but left him at laft, when I found he had formed a coalition with that abominable man Charles Fox." The other might reply, “ And I joined Mr. Fox for many years in his opposition to Goveșnment; till at laft I found it necessary to abandon him, when he disgraced himself by a coalition with that abominable“ man Lord North.". If the state of the public credit and the funds should become the subject of discussion in that House, one of the members of the Treasury Bench may very probably say, “it was the cursed American war of Lord North that brought this ruin upon our funds;" this would instantly call , up his friend on the fame bench, who would immediately reply " no; the American war was a juft and constitutional war; it was the opposition given to it by the rebel-encourager Charles Fox, who caused the failure of it; and this brought ruin on the country." Thus, a Treasury, formed on anti-coali. tion principles, was itself a chain of coalitions : the grand coalition, which was the butt of every man's invective, had hegot other coalitions; but there was this difference between the parent and the offspring, that with the former all was harmony, concord, and union ; while the latter retained the heterogeneous principles of their original opposition, which made them still a prey to discord and confusion. An honour. able gentleman had faid that the majority in the coalition was formed of persons who represented the rotten treasury boroughs, and who were brought in by the noble Lord in the blue ribband, when he was at the head of the Treasury : but that reproach was ill founded; for the coalition had been purged of such members, fome of whom having spurned the hand that made them, and turned their backs on their friend and benefactor, had found a happy asylum in the bo. : som of Administration. From this subject turning to ano. ther, Mr. Sheridan observed, that if it was improper to in

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