volunteers. His only trouble was that he could not show his sympathy more openly; but Cavour as usual restrained him. The count could bear, for the sake of the cause he had at heart, to be misunderstood by the public, and blamed for checking the king's generous impulses; but he wished to set himself right with Garibaldi, for whom he had a great admiration, and many kind messages he sent him through Admiral Persano. 'Assure General Garibaldi,' he writes, 'that not less than he do I desire to complete the great enterprise; in order to succeed it is indispensable that we work in concert, at the same time adopting different means.' Again :Turin, July 13. Signor Ammiraglio,-This moment I received your letter, for which I thank you. Declare formally in my name to General Garibaldi that it is a solemn falsehood that there exist other secret treaties; and that the rumours of the cession of Genoa or Sardinia are set on foot by the arts of our common enemies. CAVOUR. Turin, July 28. Most esteemed Admiral,-I received your letters on the 23rd and 24th. I am rejoiced by the victory of Milazo, which honours the Italian arms, and must help to persuade Europe that the Italians are now determined to sacrifice life itself to recover liberty and country. I pray you to give my sincere and warm congratulations to General Garibaldi, etc. CAVOUR. 45 CHAPTER XX. KING OF ITALY. MEAN TIME the Papal Government had been collecting mercenaries from all parts of the world, and the Pope invited General Lamoricière to take the command of his heterogeneous army. This general had been one of the French commanders at the siege of Rome in 1848, when he had uttered the never-to-be-forgiven, never-to-beforgotten words: Les Italiens ne se battent pas. That was before he had measured swords with the Italians in Rome, after which he had reason to change his opinion, though it is not recorded that he retracted it. No injury that his arms had inflicted on the suffering city was remembered half so bitterly as this insult. He now set out on his second crusade, declaring that he was ready to unsheathe his sword against this modern Islamism-an expression which excited great indignation in Piedmont. This brave General Lamoricière,' said Victor Emmanuel, with a scornful laugh, 'baptises us for Turks, and transforms the Sabaud cross into a crescent. He may learn yet that we are the true crusaders.' Just at this time the Count of Syracuse, finding all remonstrances with his nephew hopeless, took refuge with the King of Sardinia. The adhesion of this middleaged Bourbon, so closely allied to the throne of Naples, was a significant fact, and Victor Emmanuel gave him a cordial welcome. Francis II., after some months' fighting, and vain appeals for help to other powers, finding it impossible to stem the tide of war, began slowly to take in the idea that the spirit of nationality was something too powerful for him to combat, and that,. to save his throne from wreck, the only chance was an appeal to Victor Emmanuel. It was too late. The idea of Italian unity had progressed with giant strides since the Sardic envoy had been dismissed from the court of Naples with a rejection of the proffered alliance. Even if Victor Emmanuel had willed to restore the Bourbon power, he could not have done it now with the victorious Sicilians and volunteers ready to cross the Strait of Messina. The Neapolitan plenipotentiaries were received with due courtesy, and a dinner given in their honour; but they were made to understand that the day of compromise was passed; Italian unity must be accomplished. Nevertheless, Victor Emmanuel wrote privately to Garibaldi, asking him to content himself with Sicily for the present, and not cross to the mainland. But Garibaldi had independent ideas of serving his king and country. He entered Calabria as soon as circumstances permitted, swept across the country like an avalanche, driving the Bourbon troops before him everywhere, and took possession of the capital, from whence the king had fled. Capua and Gaeta still held out, but their surrender was a mere question of time. Some sort of governing head was necessary for the order of the kingdom thus set at liberty, and Garibaldi was elected Dictator. Very soon serious differences arose between the Government of Turin and the dictator. Garibaldi thought it better for the national interests to hold Naples unannexed till Rome was also liberated, and the volunteers might then present all Italy, united, to Victor Emmanuel. He asked the king's consent to a two years' dictatorship, and demanded at the same time the dismissal of Cavour from office. The minister became seriously alarmed; not for himself-his position was too well-assured for any fear of that—but the growing power and popularity of the general threatened to take the national cause out of the legitimate hands of the monarchy, and put it into those of the republican party, with whom Garibaldi had old and strong ties. Cavour resolved to appeal to Parliament, and let the representatives of the nation decide the question. They voted for immediate annexation. The question was, would the erratic chief who had conquered the kingdom of Naples with a band of volunteers, submit to the decision of Parliament? It is true that his warcry had been Vittorio Emanuele e l'Italia! but there were many Mazzinians at Naples, and Cavour feared that he might be strongly influenced by them. never for a moment accused him of personal ambition, for he knew how to read the human heart much better than the hero of Milazo. He 'I count largely,' writes Cavour, 'on Garibaldi's loyal spirit, generous instincts, and the great affection he nourishes for the king.' That he nourished an antipathy for him, Camillo Cavour, he also knew well, and deeply regretted it; but Garibaldi's attacks could not move his generous rival to the smallest resentment. The critical moment had now arrived when the royal army must take the lead in the national struggle, or remain in a secondary position to the volunteers. The inhabitants of Umbria and the Marches did not cease to implore King Victor to give them that liberty which he had bestowed on the other provinces subject to the Pope's rule; and now the presence of the foreign army under General Lamoricière excited them to the last degree,— while Garibaldi was preparing to march to their aid. Nothing but prompt action on the part of the government could save Italy from anarchy. The emperor was acquainted with the intention of the court of Turin, and replied with the simple words-Faites vite. In truth they did not waste time, the Sardinian army being already on its way to the Marches when the powers were informed of the fact. The memorandum to the ambassadors contained these significant words, which were a sufficient apology for the hasty and unexpected irruption into the Pontifical States : 'If we do not arrive on the Volturno before Garibaldi arrives at Cattolica, the monarchy is lost,-Italy remains a prey to revolution.' It was the solemn duty of the king to lead the national movement. The people were |