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worse rulers favourites with the mass of historians.

detain him. He left London between nine | posing glare, which has rendered much and ten on the Thursday. Having provided relays of horses, his progress was rapid. He only rested a few hours on the road; and though delayed by a severe fall, near the end of his journey, he reached Edinburgh on the Saturday night, after the king had gone to bed. Being admitted to the royal chamber, he saluted James as king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland. On the following day the official news arrived, and many English courtiers soon came to Edinburgh.

James vi. of Scotland thus became James 1. of Great Britain. He was at that time thirty-six years old. The royal family consisted of his queen, Anne, the sister to the king of Denmark; two sons, Henry, ten years old, and Charles, born in 1600; and a daughter, Elizabeth, in her eighth year. His immediate presence in England being required, James began his journey to the south on April 5th, leaving the queen and his children to follow.

Without here entering at length into the character of James, it may be observed, that he was unhappy in his parents; he never enjoyed the advantages of parental care and affection. His father was murdered when he was eight months old; and his mother, whose name can never be wholly separated from that atrocious deed, and the parties who committed it, in a few months, by her dissolute and wayward conduct, brought_on herself a lasting separation from her child and her throne. Nor was this all: her subsequent conduct rendered her detention in England, and at length her execution, a desirable measure of state policy, however unjustifiable on legal or moral grounds. The mental powers of James were cultivated, and he was trained in the best learning of that day, but so as to render him pedantic, vain, and dogmatical. He had no strength of character to withstand the temptations of his station, or to cause him to act steadily on right principles. Happily for his subjects, his natural timidity and humane disposition made him a lover of peace; but this temper inclined him to become subject to favourites, and his weakness laid him open to flatterers. As a private character, he might have been an estimable man; and among his many defects as a monarch, his love of peace counterbalanced numerous errors, though it deprived his proceedings of that im

The principal feature in the character of James worthy of notice, as leading to the troubles which agitated England during the seventeenth century, is the high and mistaken notions respecting the royal prerogative, which he ever manifested. He considered that the Norman conquest had swept away all former privileges or liberties of the people, leaving the royal will, as the only legitimate authority. This he sought to uphold and extend, while his natural mildness and timidity, and a dislike to contests, prevented his breaking out into actions of an arbitrary description, to the extent he wished to do. His physical defects also made him less inclined to follow an open course, and thus control his people; he attached a vast and mysterious importance to what he called "kingcraft," in other words, dissimulation and selfishness. We shall see how these things influenced the conduct of James. The whole force and mental vigour of the Tudor princes had been exerted, to prevent the resumption of that aristocratical sway which predominated in England during the middle ages. These efforts had been successful, and the kingly power, as well as the liberties of the people, had both been increased. But, while the monarchs of the Stuart dynasty desired to carry the royal prerogative even farther than Elizabeth, there was not, in any of them, the same power and ability; and the popular strength, increased by the peace and prosperity of the nation, rapidly gained ascendancy, and prevailed when brought into collision with the regal authority. But the success of the popular power soon brought on its own destruction; the regal authority was reinstated, which again was carried too far before the close of the century. By the good providence of God, a more moderate course then prevailed, leading to that adjustment of power, which carried Britain onward to the commanding position it attained early in the nineteenth century.

The progress of James towards London was singularly peaceful, after the agitations which had prevailed, and threatened his accession. It shows how the hearts of man are at the disposal of the Most High. It was destitute of military pomp, and much of the tedious way was beguiled by hunting-the new king being passionately addicted to that sport; liter

on May 3: there he named his council; six were English and six were Scots. The former were, the earls of Northumber

Howard, and lord Thomas Howard, lord Burrough, and lord Zouch; the latter were, the duke of Lennox, the earl of Mar, lord Hume, sir George Hume, lord Bruce, and sir James Elphinstone. The court remained some days at Theobald's, the attendants causing much damage. This is recorded by the lady Anne Clifford, who, going thither with her mother, the countess of Cumberland, found that the outward decorums and order of queen Elizabeth's court were no longer enforced. One circumstance she mentions as showing this change, was, that after her mother and herself had remained some time in a room occupied by one of the Scottish attendants, they found they had brought away vermin in their clothes!

ally, he often was thus occupied from the morning station to the evening place of repose. His new subjects flocked to see James as he passed; but, unlike Eliza-berland and Cumberland, lord Henry beth, he shrunk from the public gaze; the people were warned against crowding to the royal road, under pretence that a scarcity of provisions would be caused thereby this, of course, was against his popularity. He erred, also, by profusely distributing honours. In six weeks he gave, to two hundred and thirty-six persons, the rank of knighthood, which was then esteemed an honourable distinction. Nor was he more careful respecting higher dignities; he made twenty-six peers in his first year, being more than queen Elizabeth had created during the whole forty-four years of her reign. This was reflected upon in a bill, fixed shortly afterwards on St. Paul's, offering to teach the art of remembering the titles thus newly conferred. At Worksop, Burleigh, and Hinchinbrook, James and his train were received with especial attention, regardless of expense.

One circumstance which occurred during his progress attracted much notice, by indicating a disposition in James to exercise authority independent of the laws. While the court was at Newark, a pickpocket being detected, who had followed the king from Berwick, in the dress of a gentleman, the offender was, by the king's order, executed immediately, without any trial, or legal proceedings. By a statute of Henry VIII. the king possessed this power, in cases of theft committed within the verge of the court, but with many other arbitrary enactments of that reign, the law had been suffered to fall into disuse; and it is probable that James acted from his lofty ideas of the royal prerogative, rather than from any knowledge of this special power. His advisers found it necessary to caution him against such acts in future. Another unpopular action was refusing to wear mourning, or to allow any to be worn, for the late queen. The national regret for Elizabeth was speedily shown in various ways. In almost every church in London a monument to her memory was erected; and among the numerous copies of verses and flattering eulogies addressed to the new king, the greater part expressed regret for the national loss, in the death of his predecessor.

The new king arrived at Theobald's, in Hertfordshire, the seat of secretary Cecil,

The first popular measures of the new reign were the suspending all monopolies till they had been examined by the council, forbidding the worst evils of purveyance, and the grant of protection by the crown to delay legal proceedings. The English nation had no cause to complain of unfairness, though the personal favour shown to many of the Scots, and the great resort of their countrymen to England caused much jealousy: many severe jests and reflections were made by the English nation against them.

Sir Robert Cecil was the prime minister. A treaty for mutual aid was entered into with Henry iv. of France, while a peace was negociated with Philip III. of Spain, by which advantages were gained to the British merchants. A plague in London, of which thirty thousand persons died, caused James to withdraw to Wilton. The coronation was delayed till July 25, when the king and queen were crowned at Westminster.

The state of parties at the opening of the reign of James 1. has been described by a French agent. He says, that the king was influenced by a small number of personal favourites, mostly Scottish gentlemen of inferior rank, who brought him accounts of whatever passed, and obeyed his will in most points. The courtiers, in general, were divided into two parties, one directed by the earl of Mar, and the other by the queen, but a third portion was influenced by Cecil.

The personal appearance of James, as described by Weldon, a contemporary, may be inserted: "He was of middle sta

ture, more corpulent through his clothes than in his body, yet fat enough; his clothes being made large and easy, the doublet quilted for stiletto proof: his breeches in plaits, and full stuffed. He was naturally of a timorous disposition, which was the reason of his quilted doublets. His eye large, ever rolling after any stranger that came in his presence, insomuch as many, for shame, have left the room, as being out of countenance. His beard was very thin; his tongue too large for his mouth, and made him drink very unseemly, as if eating his drink, which came out into the cup on each side of his mouth. His skin was as soft as taffeta sarsenet, which felt so, because he never washed his hands, only rubbed his fingers' ends slightly with the wet end of a napkin. His legs were very weak, having had, as some thought, some foul play in his youth, or rather before he was born, that he was not able to stand at seven years of age; that weakness made him ever leaning on other men's shoulders; his walk was ever circular." Osborn has also described his appearance in the year after his accession, and adds, "I shall leave him dressed for posterity in the colours I saw him, in the next progress after his inauguration, which was, as green as the grass he trod on; with a feather in his cap, and a horn instead of a sword at his side. How suitable to his age, calling, or person, I leave others to judge from his picture." This agrees with the representation of James, in a woodcut of that day, which has supplied the authority for the engraving prefixed to this article, representing the king engaged in rural sports.

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From what has been said, the reader will perceive that there was a great change in the ruling sovereign of Britain; and as we proceed, the truth of the words of the prophet will be fully exemplified in our own land, as in that of Israel of old. "Thou showest loving kindness unto thousands, and recompensest the iniquity of the fathers into the bosom of their children after them: the Great, the Mighty God, the Lord of hosts is his name, great in counsel, and mighty in work for thine eyes are open upon all the ways of the sons of men: to give every one according to his ways, and according to the fruit of his doings," Jer. xxxii. 18, 19.

Before the first year of this reign expired, the public attention was engaged by a conspiracy, or rather by conspir

acies; for there were three, or at least two, which were distinguished as "the bye" and "the main." The whole affair is involved in much mystery; but these plots seem to have proceeded from the discontent felt by several of the leading religious or political parties, when each found their highly-raised expectations from James disappointed: but designs formed by such discordant parties could not proceed far without being detected, nor was there any unity of purpose among the leaders. The extent of the plans varied, from a design merely to interfere with the king's ministers, to a desire to place on the throne the lady Arabella Stuart in his stead. Several of the Papists were actively engaged, and the Spanish ambassador took part in these intrigues.

Some of the puritans, though utterly opposed to the Papists, and satisfied respecting the succession, considered that they had grievances which required to be redressed: one of their leaders, lord Grey, wishing to see some of the measures of the government changed, was induced to listen to some of the minor plans, but would not proceed, when he found how far some of the conspirators were inclined to go, and that the Romish priests were actively concerned. Sir Walter Raleigh, also, was implicated, though he only seems to have listened for a time to some of the Spanish offers of a large sum of money, if he would promote the interests of that monarch. His abilities rendered him an object of dislike and dread to James and the royal favourites, while his embarrassed circumstances disposed him to listen to proposals for political changes. The leaders were victed, and Markham, Grey, and Cobham were ordered for execution, after an irregular trial at Winchester, where the court then was in November, in which sir Walter defended himself with much ability, under the personal abuse of Coke, the attorney-general. They were brought forth separately to a scaffold, but after a sort of theatrical display, were told, the king directed that their lives should be spared. Two priests, and Brooke, the brother of lord Cobham, were executed. Sir Walter Raleigh was kept prisoner in the Tower, where lord Grey also was detained, till his death, eleven years afterwards. Cobham purchased his liberation, by the disclosures he made, but passed the rest of his life in contempt and poverty. Markham was allowed to retire to the continent, where he afterwards

con

bitrary proceedings that had yet been attempted. One quotation from bishop Barlow's account, and a part of the description of this conference by sir John Harrington, will sufficiently show the vulgar tone and manner in which the king conducted this discussion. He says

acted as a spy for the government. It was generally considered that sir Walter Raleigh was clear from the deeper designs of the conspirators, and that he was hardly dealt with: the king and his council, however, were glad of the pretext to keep so active a spirit in durance. One cause of the mystery in which these "His majesty was somewhat stirred; designs were involved, evidently was yet, which is admirable in him, without that, although the king possessed clear passion or show thereof, thinking that evidence of the participation of the Spa- they aimed at a Scottish presbytery, nish ambassador in these plots, he was which,' saith he, as well agreeth with a afraid to allow the proofs to be brought monarchy, as God and the devil. Then forward, lest he should be involved in a Jack, and Tom, and Will, and Dick, shall quarrel with the Spanish monarch. The meet, and at their pleasure censure me lady Arabella Stuart fully cleared herself: and my council, and all our proceedings. a letter had been sent her, intimating Then Will shall stand up and say, 'It must some design in her favour, but she imme- be thus.' Then Dick shall reply and say, diately forwarded it to the king. This Nay, marry, but we will have it thus.' conspiracy caused much anxiety to James Stay, I pray you, for one seven years beand his ministers. It indicated that fore you demand this of me. For if that there was much discontent in the nation. government be once up, I am sure I shall The French ambassador wrote respecting be kept in breath; then shall we all of it: "I recognize so many seeds of un- us have work enough, both our hands soundness in England, so much is brew-full. But, Dr. Reynolds, till you find that ing in silence, and so many events appear to be inscrutable, as to induce me to maintain that, for a hundred years to come, this kingdom will hardly misuse its prosperity to any other purpose than its own injury." When a kingdom is thus deeply but secretly agitated, there is no need for prophetic powers to say what is likely to be the result. "If a kingdom be divided against itself, that kingdom cannot stand," Mark iii. 24.

The puritans had looked forward with considerable hopes to the accession of James, as a member of the Presbyterian church of Scotland. A petition, signed by more than eight hundred of the English clergy, was presented to him as early as April, praying for a reform in the ceremonies and discipline of the established church. This led to an active controversy, which, after some months, was silenced by a royal proclamation, wherein the king declared his attachment to the established church; but promised a conference to examine into particulars. This conference was held in January, 1604, at Hampton Court. A report of it was published by bishop Barlow; but this has, in many respects, been conformed to the humour of the king, whose pedantic vanity was caught by the opportunity for display : he became chief speaker in the discussion, instead of moderator, using much coarse, vulgar, and even abusive language, declaring himself decidedly in favour of the highest and most ar

I grow lazy, let that alone.' And here,
because that Dr. Reynolds had twice be-
fore obtruded the king's supremacy, 'Dr.
Reynolds,' quoth the king, 'you have often
spoken for my supremacy, and it is well;
but know you any here, or elsewhere,
who like of the present government ec-
clesiastical, that find fault, or dislike my
supremacy?' After making reference to the
Scottish Reformation, James is described
as saying to the English prelates, 'They
think they cannot make their party good
against you; but by appealing to it, as if
you, or some that adhere unto you, were
not well affected towards it.
But if once
you were out, and they in place, I know
what would become of my supremacy.
No bishop, no king, as I before said.
Neither do I speak at random, without
ground; for I have observed, since my
coming into England, that some preachers
before me, can be content to pray for
James, king of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland, defender of the faith; but as
for supreme governor, in all causes, and
over all persons, as well ecclesiastical as
civil, they pass that over with silence,
and what cut they have been of, I after
learned.' After this, asking if they had
any more to object, his majesty appointed
the next day for both parties to meet;
and, as he was going to his inner cham-
ber, If this be all,' quoth he,
they have to say, I shall make them con-
form themselves, or I will harry them out
of this land, or else do worse.'

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The king afterwards described the part he took in the conference, saying, "I peppered them soundly." But sir John Harrington, who was present, shrewdly remarked, upon some commending the manner in which the king spoke, that "the spirit was rather foul-mouthed." Some coarse expressions which he states the king to have used, must be omitted here; he says, the king talked much Latin; but rather used upbraidings than argument, and bade the petitioners to "away with their snivelling."

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The serious reader must deeply regret the manner and spirit in which this important conference was conducted. Without entering into the matters then under dispute, which belong to the ecclesiastical historian, it is impossible not to see that there was much bitterness and prejudice on the one side, and much tenacity and disgusting flattery on the other, while there was not even an outward show of desire for Christian unity, and the king made no reference to any but personal and worldly motives. It is painful to record, that archbishop Whitgift did not hesitate to declare that his majesty spoke by the Spirit of God. He must have disapproved of the gross and vulgar threats of the king; but still his words countenanced the conduct of James in this affair.

One benefit, however, resulted from this conference: this was a new translation of the Bible into English, or rather, a careful revision and comparison of the translations in use. The course pursued is well described by the Rev. T. H. Horne. "Several objections having been made to the Bishops' Bible at the conference at Hampton Court, in 1603, the king, in the following year, gave orders for the undertaking of a new version, and fifty-four learned men were appointed to this important labour. Ten, at Westminster, were to translate to the end of second Kings; eight, at Cambridge, to finish the historical books, and the writings of David and Solomon; seven, at Oxford, the prophetical writings. The Gospels,

the Acts, and the Apocalypse were assigned to another company of eight, at Oxford; and the Epistles to another company of seven, at Westminster; and the apocryphal books to seven more at Cambridge. The remaining seven are supposed to have died, or withdrawn from the task. Various rules and instructions were given them in the king's name. It seems that each individual translated every book confided to his company; then they met and agreed upon the reading to be adopted: it was then examined by each of the other companies; and the whole finally revised by Dr. Smith, bishop of Gloucester, who wrote the preface, and by Dr. Bilson, bishop of Winchester. The translation was begun in 1607, and completed in 1610. The translation was first published in folio in 1611, and gradually the versions formerly used fell into disuse."

Let us be thankful that this inestimable treasure is now placed within the reach of all, even the poorest, in this favoured land; and let us pray that its truths may be increasingly felt and practised.

"A glory gilds the sacred page,

Majestic like the sun;
It gives a light to every age,

It gives, but borrows none.

The hand that gave it still supplies
The gracious life and heat;
Its truths through all the nations rise,

They rise, but never set."-COWPER.

There can be no doubt that the cause of true religion has been much advantaged in our land by the care bestowed on this revision, and by its universal adoption, though, like every other human work, it is imperfect; and, in some passages, inferior to the Bishops' and Genevan versions.

Having thus showed his high sense of the kingly prerogative in matters connected with religion, James did not hesitate to manifest the same temper in civil affairs. The meeting of parliament had been delayed by a pestilence; but it was summoned for March 19, 1604. In the proclamation, the king ordered the retiring officers to send the names of the members elected, to the lord chancellor, that their fitness for the office might be determined. The king's speech was in the same strain, and in it, after alluding to Popery, he still more strongly spoke of the puritans, by name, as a sect, "insufferable in any well-governed commonwealth." The result of this was, to embitter those who held such opinions, as well as all who de

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