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are determined not to know any thing among you, save Jesus Christ and him crucified. It is by him alone we can be reconciled to God. The Moravian missionaries preached three years in Greenland, on the being of God, and the nature, excellency, and requirements of the moral law without doing any good in the conversion of sinners,-not one sinner brought to the knowledge of the truth as it is in Jesus; but the first sermon in which they exhibited Christ crucified, as the only Saviour of lost and perishing sinners, the doctrine became the power of God for the salvation of one of the heathens. Let ministers of the gospel, at home and abroad, recollect this, Christ crucified, the marrow and fatness of the gospel, is the glorious subject that God has owned and blessed for the conversion of sinners every where, and at all times. Christmas Evans.

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THE VALLEY OF THE RHONE.

indolence. The Catholic religion is exclusively professed, and education neglected; and thus ignorance and fanaticism, left with the controlling influence of the one, or the enlightening power of the other, are every where apparent, and excite in the observer mingled feelings of disgust and commiseration. With all its moral disadvantages, the valley of the Rhone, nevertheless, is a charmingly diversified country, presenting physically the most beautiful and sublime features, and producing, from an exuberant soil, every variety of fruit, abundant harvests, and a successful vintage. In some districts the corn is cut down in May, in others, it does not ripen till October. In one place, the fruit never ripens; in another, the almond, fig, and pomegranate, arrive at perfection. Such is the climate; so various as to furnish the hardy productions of the north with the delicate luxuries of the tropics. In one day we may collect the common productions of Spitzbergen, and the high-flavoured growth of the Caribbees. In a few hours we pass from the shivering skies of Iceland to the glowing sun of Africa; and by the simple process of ascending the mountains, or retiring into the valley, we enjoy nature in her most delicious prospects, or contemplate her features in their most appalling form.—Beattie.

I SHALL NEVER GET BEYOND THAT
PRAYER.

THE situation of this canton, the character of the people, and the productions of its soil, distinguish it from every other branch of the confederation, and demand a few general observations, as we pass through its interesting territory. Placed in the centre of the Alps, it is surrounded on every side by those enormous barriers, and traversed through its whole extent by the Rhone. It is the longest and most considerable of all the valleys of Switzerland, being thirty-six leagues in length, THE result of a long life spent in the but of a breadth seldom exceeding one service of God, will necessarily bring league. It has, however, numerous la- every man to the conclusion, that there teral valleys, which run into the interior is no worth nor worthiness in himself, of the Alps; and of thirteen that are and that, if saved at all, he must be inhabited, four are ten leagues in extent. saved wholly by grace. When the venerSt. Maurice is the only gate by which it able Mr. Wilkinson had reached nearly can be entered on level ground; and this the close of his life, he said, to a relative key of the canton is turned every night, who came to visit him, and who attemptlike that of a gaol upon its prisoners. In ed to cheer him by referring to his Christhe lower Vallais no branch of industry tian character, "Ah, you cannot see my has hitherto been introduced. In the heart. It has always been my endeavour management of their flocks, and in the not only to abstain from evil, but from cultivation of their vineyards, they are all appearance of evil; but I would be still, as compared with their neighbours, jealous of my own heart. The heart is the Vaudois and Bernese, in a state of deceitful above all things, and desperately barbarism. It is remarkable, that, with wicked: who can know it?' Jer. xvii. 9. the most powerful stimulus of good ex- Well, I must do as I have ten thousand ample constantly before them, their indo- times before under such feelings, cast lence remains unexcited, their prejudices myself entirely on the mercy of God. unshaken; and the shackles of supersti-God be. merciful to me a sinner,' the tion as strongly riveted upon them as vilest of sinners! and after all that I ever. They are the slaves of their priests, have received, a most ungrateful sinner! and victims of their own unconquerable I shall never get beyond that prayer.”

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CHARLES I.-CONTINUED.

IT is indeed remarkable, that at this period the nation was, in many respects, in a prosperous state; the general policy of the two preceding reigns had contributed to increase the internal sources of wealth, and to encourage foreign commerce, even under the glaring acts of unfairness and oppression, which at times attracted notice, and occasioned discontent. Had there been less of arbitrary pertinacity, and disregard of national feeling in the king and his advisers, with less bitterness of spirit, and dislike to the ruling powers, in the leaders of the popular side, both parties might have avoided the dreadful scene of intestine warfare, with all its miseries, on the history of which we are about to enter, and in which all suffered.

him that the parliament should not touch a hair of his head. But if Charles had been unable to control the preceding parliaments, he was still less likely to influence the present. The elections had in many places gone against the royalists; and even the person the king intended for speaker was not elected. This led to the choice of Lenthall, a barrister of limited abilities, quite unequal to the task of controlling angry spirits, or guiding the proceedings of the Commons at that period.

When the Houses met, the king spoke in a conciliatory manner: he termed the Scots rebels; but hearing murmurs, he made a sort of apology for so doing. The Commons immediately proceeded to consider the grievances; and first attended to those who had suffered by decrees of the High Commission Court, or When the parliament met, November 3, of the Star Chamber. The release of 1640, it was evident that the opponents of Prynne, Burton, and Bastwick, was orthe king had increased their strength, and dered; their return being conducted so were disposed to be guided by angry spirits, that their entrance into London was a who felt their power, and were determined popular triumph, upon which many indito use it, while the king and his advisers viduals of rank attended. The holders found it necessary to adopt a humbler of monopolies were excluded from their tone than heretofore. His ministers seats, which weakened the king's supfound that they were in personal danger, porters in the house. The leaders next and Strafford's friends advised him to proceeded to a trial of strength: they continue either in Ireland or at York: knew that either themselves or the earl the king, however, needing his firmness of Strafford must fall. Pym was aware and decided tone in the council, required that grounds for proceedings against him the earl's presence in London, assuring might be found: he caused the House OCTOBER, 1842.

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to be cleared of strangers, and then, with many insincere expressions of respect to the king, he denounced evil advisers, expressly pointing to the earl as an apostate, and the greatest promoter of tyranny that ever lived. The earl was impeached directly, and the charge lodged at once with the House of Lords; the leaders fearing that if the king knew of their design, the parliament would be immediately dissolved. Strafford heard something of these proceedings while with the king, and hastened to take his place, but was ordered to withdraw, and committed to the Tower; many who did not fully approve of the designs of Pym and his associates, were not displeased to unite against a minister so unpopular in his conduct, and who was the object of general hatred from his haughty behaviour. He now was a sufferer, by the same course which he had formerly urged against the duke of Buckingham.

The leaders of the opposition to the court, in the House of Commons, were Pym, Hampden, and St. John: for a time these were supported by many individuals of talent and moderation, who saw the necessity for directing the affairs of government in a less arbitrary course than that pursued by Strafford and Laud. Among these were Holles, Falkland, and Vane, Hyde, Selden, and Digby, of whom some continued to act with the parliament after open hostilities took place; others became supporters of the king, when his opponents extended their encroachments to his legitimate authority.

Having thus deprived the king of the support of his most able, as well as most arbitrary minister, the popular leaders pursued their victory. Secretary Windebank had been the prominent instrument in protecting the Romish priests: he found it necessary to retire to France. Thus the ministers of the king learned that it was no longer safe for them to act by the directions of their royal

master.

We must not be surprised at the extent to which the fears respecting Popery were then carried. As already observed, the atrocities perpetrated in the reign of Mary, less than a century before, were still fresh in the minds of the nation : the whole course of intermediate events, especially the efforts in behalf of Mary Stuart, the Spanish armada, the gunpowder plot, and the continual machinations of the Jeuits, were enough to keep

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alive that fear. The proceedings of Laud and his followers, in restoring many rites and ceremonials identified with Popery, were before the eyes of the people, while many were persecuted for opposing them. It was notorious, that several individuals of rank and influence had become converts to the church of Rome; and though Laud did not hesitate to oppose that church in controversy, it was evident that, in many essentials of doctrine and rites, he adopted its worst errors. Nor was this course pursued merely by a party in the church, in many respects truly eminent but devoid of actual power. That stage of affairs was passed. These views were not only held, but enforced by the king and the archbishop, the chief individuals in the church and in the state. Even reflecting minds apprehended, that the re-establishment of the horrors of Popery was at hand, when so many of its essentials were restored, and the language of strong affection to the church of Rome was generally used by leading churchmen; while any affection for other Protestant churches, or even for the leaders of the English reformation, at once rendered a man obnoxious to those in power.

Laud was the next object of attack: the late proceedings of the convocation were made the grounds for impeaching him. A general charge of attempts to subvert the laws and constitution, in church and state, was also alleged, while the Scottish commissioners gave aid, by requiring justice upon the two great incendiaries, as they termed them, Strafford and Laud. On the impeachment being presented to the Lords, the archbishop was ordered into the custody of the usher of the black rod, and six weeks afterwards he was sent to the Tower. Finch, who, when chief justice, had urged the decision in favour of the king's right to collect ship money, was the next impeached. After a vain attempt to excuse his conduct before the House of Commons, he fled to Holland. The king suffered this storm to burst upon his principal supporters, with apparent indifference or apathy. He felt his weakness, and shrunk from the contest with the popular voice, doubtless hoping to regain his power, when the Scottish question was settled, and the army disbanded; the existence of which encouraged the leaders in parliament to the bold and decisive measures they pursued. It is now well known, that the Scottish com

missioners, and their friends in the House of Commons, felt that unless the latter could firmly establish themselves, before the Scottish leaders and their army were gone, a stop would soon be put to their proceedings. The king, therefore, in his haste to conclude this matter, conceded several points, which much weakened him, and discouraged his supporters: among them was the leaving those whom the popular party denominated incendiaries to be judged by the two parliaments; the earl of Traquehaire was one, who is reported to have entreated the king not to let his life stand in the way of a reconciliation with the people. This was generous on his part; but, for his own sake, Charles ought not thus to have given up his adherents.

The presence of the Scottish commissioners in London, also helped to diffuse their religious views. St. Antholin's church was assigned to them, and divine worship there conducted, according to the presbyterian forms. The church was crowded, while many thronged the doors, unable to procure admission. These proceedings strengthened the popular feeling against the bishops, so that petitions were presented to parliament for the abolition of episcopacy. One, presented on December 11, was signed by fifteen thousand inhabitants of London; it desired the removal of episcopacy, "root and branch." The presbyterian feeling against the order of bishops made the Commons active in this matter; but at first only a resolution was carried against their sitting in the House of Lords, expressing, that their exercising legislative and judicial power, hindered the due discharge of their ecclesiastical duties. The king declared that his conscience would not permit him to allow the destruction of an order, without which he considered the Christian religion could not exist. Still he did not pursue an open or decided course he was then seeking to strengthen himself by alliances with foreign powers; and as a connexion with a Popish prince was now out of the question, he espoused his daughter, the princess Mary, to the prince of Orange.

The queen went to France, on the pretext of illness, to obtain help from her brother; but the private enmity of Richelieu counteracted her wishes, and urged her return to England. She applied to the pope for a considerable sum, promising in return, that the penal laws against Papists should be abolished at

once in Ireland, and in England as soon as the king regained his authority; but the pope could not confide in the promises of Charles, and only the small amount of thirty-five thousand crowns was given as a present. How would even the parsimony of Elizabeth have scorned a gift from the deadly foe of the religion and liberties of the land!

The prosecution of Strafford was urged forward. The general feeling of three nations was excited and arrayed against one individual. The king again sacrificed his advisers, by consenting that privy counsellors should be examined upon oath, respecting the advice Strafford had given as a privy counsellor, which rendered it unsafe for any one to express an opinion, even when called on by the king, and in conformity to his solemn oath, if it were likely at any time to displease the party to which he might be opposed. The trial commenced March 23: it lasted fifteen days, beginning at nine in the morning, and continuing till four or five o'clock in the afternoon, the king ill-advisedly being present. The charges against the earl for the most part failed, and there was evidently a reaction in favour of the impeached minister, when the House of Commons resorted to that arbitrary and unfair proceeding adopted in the reign of Henry VIII., the passing a bill of attainder. This was mainly supported by a statement which secretary Vane allowed himself to be required to verify, of a declaration said to have been made by Strafford in council, that the king had an army in Ireland, which he might employ in reducing England to obedience.

The bill was debated and opposed for many days: meanwhile the House of Lords proceeded with the trial and the defence of Strafford, who was encouraged by an assurance from the king, that whatever sacrifices he might make to the popular violence, he would never consent that one, who had served him so faithfully, should suffer in his life or fortune. Several plans were devised for the safety of Strafford: one was, so to arrange the garrison of the Tower that the earl might be removed or rescued; this was prevented by the steady conduct of sir William Balfour, the lieutenant, who refused a large bribe. An attempt was also made to interest the English army, SO that it might be marched to London, and overawe the parliamentarians; but the leading officers

disagreed; and colonel Goring betrayed | the object. The bill of attainder was carried; it was opposed by about sixty members; but to intimidate farther opposition to the prevailing parties, the names of these members were placarded in the streets, as Straffordians, and enemies to their country: thus they were pointed out as the objects of popular insult. Other violent and underhand means were taken, to excite panic: many ministers even preached expressly in support of the proceedings of the parlia

ment.

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diers on peaceable householders without a cause; the other, that he had obliged all Scots living in Ireland to take an unlawful oath. This, under the opinion of the judges, was pronounced to be treason; the bill of attainder was passed on May 8, and a deputation was sent from both Houses to urge the king to consent. It was on a Saturday, and the crowds who assembled round the court at Whitehall, with loud threats, were only appeased by an assurance that the king would assent.

A few days before, Strafford wrote to As a last resource, the king offered to the king, releasing him from his progive the disposal of the principal state mise, by advising him to consent to the offices to the parliamentary party, if bill, but declaring his own innocence. Strafford's life was spared. This was Sunday was a day of doubt and distress assented to, but interrupted by the death to the unhappy king, who, with all his of the earl of Bedford, the chief of se- rashness and obstinacy, had not strength veral influential leaders of the opposition of mind to adhere firmly to that course to the court, who had a short time before which he knew would be right, and been admitted to the king's council, to would save his minister. He sent for one soften their hostile feelings. The matter to counsel him after another, as weakthen devolved on lord Say, by whose minded men usually do in cases of diffiadvice the king spoke to the houses of culty. The bishops advised him to conparliament, telling them that he would sult the judges, and the judges referred have left the law to take its course; but him back to the bishops. Only bishop their proceeding by an act of attainder Juxon advised him to be firm in refusing made him a party, and he could not con- to order the death of a man whom he sent to such an act, knowing that Straf- did not believe to be guilty. Williams, ford was innocent of the main charges and other bishops, drew a distinction against him; but he was willing to ex-between his conscience as an individual, clude him from office during life, as guilty of misdemeanors. This ill-judged interference stimulated the enemies of Strafford it was declared a breach of the privileges of parliament, and an armed rabble, not less than six thousand, crowded to Westminster, on May 3, calling for justice, and even threatening the king. A protestation was made by the members of both houses, declaring that they would protect the religion and liberties of the nation; hypocritically adding, that they would protect the king against his enemies. This measure, introduced by Pym, On the following Tuesday, the king both soothed the populace, and kept up sent the prince with a request to the their excitement, which was stimulated Houses, that they would consent to by rumours of foreign invasion and other change the sentence to perpetual imdangers, while the leaders of the Com-prisonment; but marred the whole force mons pressed forward the proceedings against Strafford. Eighty peers had attended the trial, but more than one half were absent from the debate on the bill of attainder. Many were kept away by personal threats; and the Romanists had refused to subscribe the protestation against Popery. At last only two charges, out of twenty-eight, were voted to be proved one, that he had quartered sol

and as a king acting with his parliament; but he was, probably, most influenced by the selfish fears of the queen and his courtiers, all thoroughly alarmed for their personal safety, and unwilling to incur the danger of a tumult, even though the life of their former adviser and associate was at stake. Charles signed a commission to give the royal assent to the act of attainder against his counsellor; uttering a declaration we may readily believe, "The earl of Strafford is happier than I am.'

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of the application, by putting the request conditionally; and at last, by the queen's suggestion, added a postscript, that if he must die, it were charity to reprieve him till Saturday. However, the persecutors of Strafford apprehended that if his life were spared, he would eventually regain power, and their own doom would be sealed: they therefore refused even to spare him for a few days, lest that

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