she continues to draw the beautiful prospects that surround you. To gaze on those sublime views, to be conversing with you and my dear sister, and walking with you and your little boy over your grounds, are the frequent, but, alas! the imaginary occupations of your affectionate brother,

SAML. ROMILLY.

LETTER XXVI.

Gray's Inn, Dec. 10. 1782.

Before I take any notice, my dear Roget, of the contents of your letters of the 13th and 23d of last month, I must hasten to communicate to you the agreeable news I have to tell you. It is much less agreeable, however, than we were flattered with hopes of, a fortnight ago. We have had the greatest expectations of peace: the Parliament, which was to have met the 26th of last month, was adjourned to the 5th of the present: a letter was sent from the Secretary of State to the Governor of the Bank, informing him that a negotiation had been begun, and was very far advanced, and that, before the meeting of Parliament, either peace would be concluded, or all negotiations would be at an end. The dealers in stocks were immediately in an uproar and tumult, which has lasted almost ever since. The stocks rose and fell, one, two, and sometimes three per cent. every day; from 57, the price at which they were when this news arrived, they one day rose to 65. The opening of Parliament, however, has disappointed much of our

expectations: how much of them has been fulfilled, I cannot state to you more accurately than by transcribing a part of the King's speech. It shall be only a part; for, whatever other merits it may possess, it has so little of that "imperatoria brevitas" which Tacitus commends, that it fills very nearly two columns in the newspapers.

"Since the close of the last Session, I have employed my whole time in the care and attention which the important and critical conjuncture of public affairs required of me. I have pointed all my views and measures, as well in Europe as in North America, to an entire and cordial reconciliation with the colonies. Finding it indispensable to the attainment of this object, I did not hesitate to go the full length of the powers vested in me, and offered to declare them free and independent States, by an article to be inserted in the treaty of peace. Provisional articles are agreed upon, to take effect whenever terms of peace shall be finally settled with the court of France. In thus admitting their separation from the crown of these kingdoms, I have sacrificed every consideration of my own to the wishes and opinion of my people. I make it my humble and earnest prayer to Almighty God, that Great Britain may not feel the evils which might result from so great a dimemberment of the empire, and that America may be free from those calamities which have formerly proved, in the mother country, how essential monarchy is to the enjoyment of constitutional liberty. Religion, language, interest, affections may, and I hope will, yet prove a bond of permanent union between the

two countries. To this end, neither attention nor disposition shall be wanting on my part. While I have carefully abstained from all offensive operations against America, I have directed my whole force, by land and sea, against the other powers at war, with as much vigour as the situation of that force, at the commencement of the campaign, would permit. I trust that you feel the advantages resulting from the safety of the great branches of our trade. You must have seen, with pride and satisfaction, the gallant defence of the governor and the garrison of Gibraltar; and my fleet, after having effected the object of their destination, offering battle to the combined fleets of France and Spain on their own coasts; those of my kingdom have remained, at the same time, perfectly secure, and your domestic tranquillity uninterrupted. This respectable state, under the blessing of God, I attribute to the entire confidence which subsists between me and my people, and to the readiness which has been shown by my subjects to stand forth in the general defence. Having manifested to the whole world, by the most lasting examples, the signal spirit and bravery of my people, I conceived it a moment not unbecoming my dignity, and thought it a regard due to the lives and fortunes of such brave and gallant subjects, to show myself ready, on my part, to embrace fair and honourable terms of accommodation with all the powers at war. I have the satisfaction to acquaint you that negotiations to this effect are considerably advanced. *** I have every reason to hope and believe that I shall have it in my power, in a very

short time, to acquaint you that they have ended in terms of pacification, which I trust you will see just cause to approve. I rely, however, with perfect confidence, on the wisdom of my Parliament, and the spirit of my people, that, if any unforeseen change in the belligerent powers should frustrate my confident expectations, they will approve of the preparations I have thought it advisable to make, and be ready to second my most vigorous efforts in the further prosecution of war. *** I must recommend to you an immediate attention, above all things, to the state of the public debt. Notwithstanding the great increase of it during the war, it is to be hoped that such regulations may still be established, such savings made, and future loans so conducted, as to promote the means of its gradual redemption, by a fixed course of payment."

These are the most important passages in the speech; but it wanders over a multitude of subjects, calling the attention of the Parliament to the affairs of India, the scarcity of corn, a revision of our commercial system, the late increase of robberies, the Mint, the King's revenue, particularly the royal forests, the money voted for American sufferers, &c. The King assures the Parliament, too, that he has carried into strict execution the Act passed in the last session for making reductions in the civil list expenses.

There was not, in either house, any opposition to the address. In the House of Lords, Lord Shelburne explained the offer of declaring America independent, not to be a present and irrevocable recognition of her independence, but a mere offer,

which, if peace did not follow, was to be entirely at an end. Fox, in the other house, understood it to be a full acknowledgment of the independence of America; supposed the word "offer" to be a mere inaccuracy of expression; and, upon this ground only, approved the measure. But his speech is worth giving you a fuller account of.

It appeared, from some parts of the speeches of the mover and seconder of the address, that great sacrifices must be made to purchase peace. The cession of Gibraltar was hinted at; that fort was represented to be an empty honour of little advantage to the country; and it was said that, by giving up to the Spaniards what they had so set their minds upon, and what seemed to have been the sole object of their ambition in the last wars, England would secure the permanency of peace. Fox commended the speech; praised a part of the present administration, but said that he saw great danger in some members of it;-declared that he never would make any opposition to them, while they acted so wisely as they did at present. He enlarged upon the wisdom of signing a separate treaty of peace with America, by which our acknowledgment of her independence was made certain and irrevocable. It was a measure which he had always himself recommended when in administration, but which was then disapproved. He did not doubt, however, that, less powerful in the ministry than out of it, he had much contributed to the adoption of that measure; and that, speaking in the House of Commons on the opposite side from that of the administration, his sentiments had had that weight