seen this country to its greatest advantage. We have had a very long winter; it has quitted us little more than a week ago, and though the summer has burst upon us all at once, yet the trees are but just beginning to put out their leaves; and, though the outline of the landscape may be seen, all its colouring, except the rich verdure of the fields, is wanting. But the most beautiful objects in this country, and which are in a great degree independent of the season, are the health, the cheerfulness, and the contentment which appear on the countenances of the inhabitants.

The poor people here have a custom which I never knew observed any where else, and which is very poetical, and very affecting. Once a year (on Palm Sunday) they get up early in the morning, and gather the violets and primroses, and the few other flowers which at this season are to be found in the fields, and with their little harvest they hasten to the churchyard, and strew the flowers over the graves of their nearest relations. Some arrange their humble tribute of affection in different forms with a great deal of taste. The young girls, who are so fortunate as never to have lost any near relation or any friend, exert themselves that the tombs of the strangers who have died in the village, at a distance from all who knew them, may not be left unhonoured; and hardly a grave appears without some of these affectionate ornaments. I came here soon after this ceremony had been observed, and was surprised on walking through a churchyard, to find in it the appearance of a garden; and to see the flowers withering each

in the place in which it had been fixed. I have been the more delighted with my excursion hither, from the contrast it forms to the noise, the hurry, the crowd, and the contentions of the courts I have just quitted. What would I not have given to have been able to transport your family hither; to have enjoyed their company in this charming spot; and to have had the pleasure of introducing my sister to you! But all that is impossible.

I am very much indebted to Miss D for the news which she sends me respecting French politics, in which I take the greatest interest.

The question respecting the abolition of the slave trade is to be discussed, in about ten days' time, in the House of Commons; and I am happy to find that those who are concerned in the trade begin to be very seriously alarmed. The society, which has so strenuously exerted itself to procure the abolition of the trade, wrote a letter some time ago, to Mr. Necker, to entreat that he would endeavour to procure the concurrence of the French government with that of England in so laudable an enterprise. Mr. Necker's answer was very flattering to them, but gave them so little reason to hope for the concurrence of France, that they thought it advisable not to publish it. The King of Spain is giving additional encouragement to the trade; and the argument which is used with most force here, and indeed the only argument from which any thing can be feared, is that, by our abolishing the trade, we shall give no relief to the negroes, but only transfer to our neighbours the advantages which we derived from that com

merce. I believe that argument admits of a very easy refutation; but, if it did not, I should have no objection to making such a transfer, when I must at the same time transfer all the guilt of so abominable a traffic.

I hear my friend, M. Dumont, is gone to Paris, and I make no doubt he will have the honour of waiting on you. There is no pleasure I envy him so much, as that of seeing you and your family. I beg to be remembered very affectionately to them all, and have the honour to be, &c.,

SAML. ROMILLY.

Dear Dumont,

LETTER LI.

TO M. DUMONT.1

Gray's Inn, May 15. 1789.

My conscience reproaches me for having sent you so shabby a letter as my last, in return for yours, which was so long and so very entertaining.2 I was quite delighted with it. You transported me into the midst of the assembly of your district, and I was as much amused as if I had been present. I took the liberty of reading parts of your letter to Trail and Wilson. We all agreed in admiring it, and in abusing you, first for not employing your talents in writing some useful work, and secondly, if you wo❜n't do that, for not writing me more letters.

1 Mr. Romilly became acquainted with Mr. Dumont at Geneva, in 1781 (see antè, p. 58.), and an intimate friendship was maintained between them up to the close of Mr. Romilly's life.

2 In this letter, dated April 28., Mr. Dumont had given a very long and detailed account of the proceedings connected with the election of deputies to the states-general.

I was in the House of Commons last Tuesday, when Wilberforce opened the business of the slave trade. He did it in an admirable speech, which seemed to make a great impression on the House. What he proposes is, that the trade should be totally and immediately abolished. Pitt, Fox, Burke, and Grenville (the Speaker of the House), all declared that they were for a total abolition, and seemed to vie with one another who should express in the strongest terms his detestation of the trade. Fox says, that it will certainly before long be abolished, and the only question is, whether England shall have the honour of setting so noble an example, or shall wait to follow it in others: that he made no doubt that the French would soon abolish the trade: that, though he had often talked of the rivalship of France, and professed himself a political enemy to that country, yet God forbid that he should not do justice to their national character; and he did not believe that there was any nation on earth who would be more quick to catch a spark of such noble enthusiasm, even from those whom they might consider as their enemies, or who would be more eager than they would to imitate our example. Wilberforce, among other reasons which he gave for believing that the trade which we abandoned would not be taken up by the French, relied much on the character of M. Necker, and particularly on the passage in his book on Finance, where he says that the only obstacle to the abolition of the trade is that, if one nation abolished it, another and perhaps a rival nation might take advantage of their generosity. For, when once England has

abolished the trade, France cannot have to fear any thing from her rivals by abolishing it; and it is impossible to suppose that any man, much more M. Necker, would consent to become so infamous as he must, if, after having published this work, he should attempt to take advantage of us, because we had abolished the trade. But what gives us better security than these arguments is, that the trade cannot be carried on by France, but under much greater disadvantages even than those under which it is carried on by us; for the commodities proper for the African market are (at least the greater part of them) manufactured better and cheaper in England than any where else. A part of Wilberforce's speech which I thought admirable was, where he showed that the present barbarism of Africa was to be ascribed principally, if not solely, to this trade; which, by making it the interest of the native princes to wage war perpetually with one another, and to plunder and carry away their own subjects, and which, by destroying all mutual confidence among the native subjects, and encouraging men to enslave their neighbours and parents to sell their children, prevented any improvement in manners or civilisation. Burke, in speaking of this trade, described it very truly, very concisely, and with great energy. He said that it was a trade, which began by violence and war, was continued by the most dreadful imprisonment, and ended in exile, slavery, and death. Among the speakers, none did more service to the cause which we have so much at heart, than those who spoke against it. All they did was to use invectives, to