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such arguments used upon the subject the subject as no human patience can endure. You have seen the representation of a slave-ship. Can you believe it possible, after having seen that representation, the truth of which it is easy to ascertain with a pair of compasses, that any man should be found capable of giving such an account as I here transcribe of an African voyage? "In the interval between breakfast and dinner, the negroes are supplied with the means of amusing themselves, after the manner of their country, with musical instruments; the song and dance are encouraged and promoted; the men play and sing, whilst the boys dance for their amusement; the women and girls divert themselves in the same way, and amuse themselves with arranging fanciful ornaments for their persons with beads. . . . . When tired of music and dancing, they go to games of chance. The women are supplied with beads, which they make into ornaments, and the utmost attention is paid to the keeping up their spirits, and to indulge them in all their little humours." Such is the evidence which two African captains have not been ashamed to give before the Privy Council. Some other witnesses however are examined; one, a surgeon, who speaks of what he himself saw. "It was usual," he says, "to make the slaves dance, in order that they might exercise their limbs, and preserve health. This was done by means of a cat-o'-nine tails, with which they were driven about among one another, one of their country drums beating at the same time; on these occasions they were compelled to sing, the cat being brandished over them for that

purpose.

He sometimes heard the women among themselves singing, but always at those times in tears. Their songs contained the history of their lives, and their separation from their friends and country. These songs were very disagreeable to the captain; he has sometimes flogged the women, for no other reason than this, in so terrible a manner, that the witness has been a fortnight healing the incisions." It appears by the Report of the Privy Council that the crimes for which men are made slaves in Africa are frequently those of witchcraft, and that for witchcraft the punishment involves the whole family of the person convicted.

Trail and Wilson desire their compliments to you; they will thank you to inquire which is the best French Journal that they can take in, in order to have an account of the proceedings of the States. Is Mirabeau's' regularly continued? the last number you sent me comes no lower down than the 11th May. It was reported here that even these letters to his commettans were suppressed.

Your friends in Frith Street, not forgetting your little niece, desire to be very affectionately remembered to you.

1 Lettres de Mirabeau à ses Commettans, which afterwards attracted great attention under the name of the Courrier de Provence. See Souvenirs sur Mirabeau, by Dumont, chap. vi.

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LETTER LIV.

FROM M. DUMONT.

Surène, près Paris, 21 Juin, 1789.

Je vous envoye, mon cher Romilly, un exemplaire de la Traduction', &c.; vous en aurez d'autres que je vous porterai moi-même, car je ne reste plus ici que pour voir deux ous trois séances des trois ordres réunis, et juger s'ils s'inspireront mutuellement assez de respect ou de terreur pour s'assujettir à la discipline, et si, de l'émulation entre les ordres, résultera le bien public. Quant à votre ouvrage, il sera utile, les bons esprits le lisent avec attention, mais son effet sera lent: ils ont tant de vanité nationale, tant de prétention, qu'ils aimeront mieux toutes les sottises de leur choix, que les résultats de l'expérience Britannique. Le temps seul les éclairera sur les absurdités du réglement de police qui est en projet, et ils s'accoutumeront

LETTER LIV.

Surène, near Paris, June 21. 1789.

I send you, my dear Romilly, one copy of the Translation 1, &c. ; I will myself bring you others; for I shall only remain here to see one or two meetings after the union of the three orders, and to determine whether they will inspire each other with sufficient respect or fear to submit to control, and whether, from emulation between the different orders, public good can arise. As to your work, it will be useful; the well-disposed read it with attention, but its effect will be slow. The French have so much national vanity, so much pretension, that they will prefer all the follies of their own choosing to the results of En glish experience. Time alone will enlighten them on the absurdities of the police regulations which are in contemplation, and will

A translation of the papers mentioned in the preceding letter.

à l'idée, qui les révolte, d'emprunter quelque chose de votre gouvernement qui est ici respué comme un des opprobres de la raison humaine: quoique l'on convienne que vous avez deux ou trois belles loix; mais il est insoutenable que vous ayez la présomption de dire que vous avez une constitution. Cependant il faut convenir que la jalousie nationale a été clairvoyante, et leur a très-bien fait découvrir qu'il y avoit une grande distance de la théorie de Montesquieu et de De Lolme à la pratique réelle, à l'état vrai des choses. J'ai revu la traduction, mais ce fut un travail fort rapide, une révision avec l'homme dont vous connoissez la turbulente impatience; vous ne serez juge que des fautes qui restent, et non de celles que j'ai fait disparoître, et cette comparaison seule pourroit me mériter un peu d'indulgence.

Mille amitiés, je vous prie, à nos amis communs. Je suis fort pressé pour finir.

Aimez-moi comme je vous aime.

ET. DUMONT.

accustom them to the idea now so revolting to them, of borrowing any thing from your government, which is here repudiated as a reproach to human reason. It is, indeed, admitted that you have two or three fine laws; but then you have the unwarrantable presumption to assert that you have a constitution. Nevertheless, it must be allowed that the national jealousy has been clear-sighted, and has very properly made them discover that there is a wide difference between the theory of Montesquieu and De Lolme and actual practice

the real state of things. I have gone through the translation; but revising, with a man whose boisterous impatience you well know, was hurried work. You can only judge of the faults which remain, and not of those which I have struck out; and yet this comparison alone can entitle me to any indulgence. Best remembrances to our mutual friends.

Yours, in haste, &c.

ET. DUMONT.

Dear Dumont,

LETTER LV.

TO M. DUMONT.

July 28. 1789.

I sit down to write a few lines to you as fast as I can, before I set out on the circuit, which will be early to-morrow morning. I shall return in about a fortnight, and how I shall dispose of myself. during the vacation is yet uncertain. It is true that you have written me some very long letters, but that was long ago. Since affairs have been in such a state in France as must make every man who has the least humanity impatient for news, you have not let me hear from you once.

I am sure I need not tell you how much I have rejoiced at the Revolution which has taken place. I think of nothing else, and please myself with endeavouring to guess at some of the important consequences which must follow throughout all Europe. I think myself happy that it has happened when I am of an age at which I may reasonably hope to live to see some of those consequences produced. It will perhaps surprise you, but it is certainly true, that the Revolution has produced a very sincere and very general joy here. It is the subject of all conversations; and even all the newspapers, without one exception, though they are not conducted by the most liberal or most philosophical of men, join in sounding forth the praises of the Parisians, and in rejoicing at an event so important for mankind.

Pray congratulate Mirabeau on my behalf; tell

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