MONTHLY COMMENTARY.

The Recent Changes-Feeding a Planet-The Recent Fires-The Recent Executions-The Church and the Dissenters-Quarantine Laws.

THE RECENT CHANGES.-THE past month has been distinguished by an event of the highest importance to the country, and productive of the most powerful effects upon all its political interests. A change of Ministry has taken place-or, we should rather say, the Administration is in abeyance; for, with the exception of a few absolutely-essential offices, and those only filled pro tempore, not an appointment has been made. To account for this delay-this ministerial interregnum-we must go back to the proceedings of the 14th of November.

It has always been our practice-at least in this department of the Magazine to abstain as much as possible from political discussions; leaving to our readers the occupation of drawing their own inferences from our statements of facts, and the truly national privilege of arguing and debating them, each according to his views and principles. This course we shall follow in the present instance; but from the peculiar nature of the circumstances connected with the event we have just announced, we feel compelled to enter rather more minutely than usual into the details.

Upon the death of Earl Spencer-an event always anticipated as one very likely to shake the stability of the Cabinet (from which, since its original formation, Lord Grey, Lord Ripon, the Duke of Richmond, Mr. Stanley, and Sir James Graham, had retired)—it became necessary to find a substitute for Lord Althorp, as Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and although a very considerable number of highly-respectable and honourable gentlemen felt themselves perfectly qualified for that office, Lord Melbourne had some doubts as to the selection of one who should combine all the qualities which Lord Althorp had, with perhaps one or two others which his Lordship had not. In order, therefore, to settle his judgment, and put things en train for a partially new arrangement, the noble Premier proceeded to Brighton, to take the King's pleasure upon his suggestions, and to receive his Majesty's commands as to carrying them into execution.

Accordingly, his Lordship proceeded to the Palace, where, after experiencing the gracious kindness and hospitality of the King, he communicated the object of his visit, for which his Majesty, under the circumstances, was thoroughly prepared; and, upon the conversation which ensued a difference exists, in consequence of the friends of the late Ministers denying that Lord Melbourne ever declared an opinion that the Cabinet must fall to pieces, either before, or after Parliament met, or that he avowed his anxiety to resign, or that he stated that if Lord John Russell became leader of the House of Commons, Lord Lansdowne and Mr. Spring Rice would inevitably resign; or that he stated that

there was a portion of the Cabinet which could never be prevailed upon to forego its determination to push certain innovations upon certain points to extremes; and that there was no greater chance of their agreeing at the meeting of Parliament, than there existed upon that day; or that, having made this statement and avowal and declaration, he suggested a change of Government, and that the Duke of Wellington should be the individual sent for.

That Lord Melbourne neither declared, nor avowed, nor stated, nor suggested any of these things, we think extremely probable, and therein lies the equivocation, which marks the denial that he did, which has been put forth by the discontented portion of the ex-Ministry-if any portion of it can be called contented-in order to prove that they have been "turned ont," and have not resigned. But what we take to be the fact and we can readily believe any fact which tends to place the character of Lord Melbourne in its true light, that of an honourable and high-minded nobleman-is, that the King must long have seen, what has been evident to so many of his subjects, that the Ministry were pursuing a course which day by day gradually separated them more and more from the people; and that even in the measures they did propose, they were far from unanimous; that the general character of their proceedings was such, that not only five or six of the more influential members of their Colleagues had seceded, but that Lord Grey, who had been their leader, and the Lord Chancellor, who actually was the Solon of the party, had both denounced the lengthened strides with which the Durham party proposed to march to the next--for who should say what would have been the ulterior objects of their exertions?— and that, therefore, it was necessary his Majesty should inquire into the truth or falsehood of the rumours which had reached him, and the real scope and aim of what was passing before his eyes.

This was absolutely essential to the formation of an opinion upon the line his Majesty should pursue in filling up the vacancy caused by Lord Althorp's accession to the Peerage; and of whom could his Majesty so naturally, or with better hopes of success inquire, than of the Prime Minister? The King, therefore, put questions upon all the most important points, and what was Lord Melbourne to say in reply? Was he, for the sake of his Colleagues-of himself we will venture to say he never thougnt to equivocate, or to speak falsely to his Sovereign? The King therefore asks, and Lord Melbourne answers, and thus is the shuffling "circular" put about by the late Cabinet justified, in saying that LORD MELBOURNE neither "declared," nor 66 avowed," nor "stated," nor suggested."-He did none of them; but he replied fairly and honestly to the prudent and sagacious interrogatories of the King, and the result was, the change of Ministry. In the same way, as to the nomination of his successor, might not the King have asked, "Don't you think the best thing I can do under the circumstances, is to send for the Duke of Wellington ?" Might not Lord Melbourne have answered, "Yes, Sire, I think it is; for if the Duke does not undertake the formation of a Government himself, he is the most likely man to suggest some other efficient person."

On Saturday the Duke arrives at the Palace, and, as the King's servant, without hesitation, obeys the King's commands; and in the face

of all the difficulties which must necessarily present themselves, undertakes the task imposed upon him ;-but how? For his own ends,—for his own objects, for his own advantage? No; his Grace agrees to use all his energies to carry on the affairs of the Government pro tempore, and until the arrival of Sir Robert Peel, whom he earnestly recommends to his Majesty as his new Premier.

The King agrees to this suggestion, and messengers are despatched to Sir Robert; but, as he happened at the time to be in Italy, probably at Rome or Naples, it became absolutely necessary that until his arrival in England a provisional Government should be formed, by which the routine business of the country should be conducted. Accordingly the Duke, in order to evince his readiness to stand in the breach, is sworn in Home Secretary, it being absolutely necessary that there should be one Secretary of State in existence; and it also being necessary that the Great Seal should not remain in the hands of an ex-Chancellor, and as its powers are never dormant, it became especially necessary to appoint a Lord Chancellor,-whose dignity, office, and authority are constituted by the mere delivery of the Seal by the King-these two appointments -temporary-were made, and subsequently a Board of Treasury was appointed, for the plain reason that the signatures of three Lords are necessary to the validity of any public order, warrant, or minute of Treasury. And upon these appointments the Radicals make an outcry, and talk of the Wellington Ministry. The Duke of Wellington neither is, nor will be, Prime Minister; how can he be, having recommended Sir Robert Peel for the office, having sent for him, and in his letter having told him that he has no desire for office at all; but that if he thinks he can be of any use to the King or country, he is willing to take any office under his Administration Sir Robert may point out?

In order more distinctly to mark that not one step has been permanently taken, the Duke has assumed an office which he does not mean to hold. He has joined in the temporary Treasury Commission men of the highest rank, who could not sit permanently at the Board, such as Lords Rosslyn, Ellenborough, and Maryborough, in order to show the temporary nature of their appointments; and even the Great Seal is held by Lord Lyndhurst with his Chief Barony, so that if, in the judgment of Sir Robert Peel, it ought to be transferred to other hands, it may so be done. In all these proceedings, therefore, the Duke has clearly and distinctly shown to those who understand such matters, that the present is a merely provisional Government, and that the permanent Administration is kept in abeyance till the return to England of its permanent head.

In speculating upon the great question of a change of Government, when it is actually effected, and the new arrangements made, it is impossible not to admit, that from the beginning to the end of the career of the last Ministry, even before the secession of its most able, and as far as the country is concerned, the most influential of its members, it disappointed the expectations even of its most zealous supporters: there appeared at one time a liberality of promise and profession, which, at another, did not ripen into action and performance. At one period it conciliated, at another threatened; it was evidently not unanimous, and its weakness was most frequently betrayed by needless concessions and

uncalled-for severities. The management of our foreign affairs,-the state of of our colonies,-the condition of Ireland, the total inattention to the agricultural interests, the care of which was chiefly manifested by the remission of the tax upon shepherds' dogs,-the reckless indifference to the manufacturing interests, manifested by a devotion to the cause of free-trade, worthy a better cause;-add to these the indecent and ludicrous dissensions which were made publicly to appear, and nobody will, we think, venture to deny, that the ephemeral popularity of the Whig Ministry was gone. But enough of the past: it is useless either regretting or discussing what is past; let us look forward to days to come. The Duke of Wellington has, as we have seen, temporarily assumed the Government, and, until Sir Robert Peel comes, nothing will be permauently fixed. We hope and trust,―for upon that will depend, as we firmly believe, not only the stability of the ministry, but the tranquillity and prosperity of the country,-that the new Premier, be he Sir Robert Peel or any one else, will calmly and steadily contemplate the actual state of the country, and not hastily mistake the disappointment of the people arising from the non-fulfilment of their expectations in accordance with the promises of the Whigs, into a total abandonment of all the objects to which they were taught to look forward.

The country, generally, is as much averse from the mischief and misrule of the ultra-Radicals as they are from the unbending stiffness of ultra-Toryism. An ultra-Tory Ministry, which either does not see, or pretends not to see, that there is much to be done in the way of reforming abuses, and clearing away the rubbish from ancient institutions, without touching the foundations, will be as mischievous and as shortlived as one which, without reason, moderation, or justice, would attempt to lay the axe to the root at once, and subvert and overthrow all the things that be, so that a new order might arise of their own creation, which those who have longest studied the subject and can best appreciate the chimerical propositions of political visionaries, know would only be productive of scenes such as have been acted in other countries,-nay, even in our own,—and which have had merely the effect of destroying the alleged deformities of a government, to induce, after a short and difficult struggle, its real faults to be regenerated and flourish with redoubled vigour.

At the present period the country is divided into two parties onlyConservatives and Destructives. Ultra-Tory and ultra-Whig are distinctions which have merged in the others. Of the Conservatives there are as many Whigs as Tories. The Destructives are but one class, and as the term imports, upon their admission into office, or their exclusion, depends the safety of the empire. None but the rashest or weakest monarch in the world would endure their exaltation. Well, then, it becomes essential to form a Conservative Government; but a Conservative Government now does not necessarily imply a Tory Government: for instance, Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham are not Tories, they are Whigs; but they are Conservatives. Many more such, of talent fully adequate to the tenancy of office, might be quoted, who, by uniting with the Conservative Tories, would form a Government which might for years resist the attacks of the Destructives and the Irish Repealers. It cannot be too strongly impressed upon the minds of those in whose

hands the destinies of the country are now placed, that, the measure of reform having been carried, it becomes their duty to carry its provisions into effect, so as to produce what benefits it is capable of producing to the people; who, as yet, it must be admitted, have not been made practically sensible of its salutary effects; and wherever it should appear that the measure may with safety be improved and re-modified, to amend and alter it so as to suit the circumstances of the case. Above all, let them protect the agriculturists and the manufacturers; and let us, if possible, get rid of that unnational partiality to France, and that unnational favour and protection to her produce, by which the industrious Englishman is deprived of the means of gaining an honest livelihood by the exercise of his trade. In short, let the new Ministry come to the country with a fair and open declaration of their views, based upon principles of economy, non-interference with foreign Governments, care of the labouring classes, and a desire for the reduction of the public burdens-(all of which the last Ministry promised)—and shortly give an earnest of their intentions, and we have no hesitation in saying that their career will be long and prosperous; and all Conservatives-that is, all true Englishmen-whether Whig or Tory, will rally round them, to support the Altar and the Throne from the attacks of what, with such a junction of feelings and parties, will become a small, even if a desperate faction, in the State.

FEEDING A PLANET.-Last month we had to notice a most extraordinary and almost incredible piece of infatuation on the part of a young lady at Shadwell, who, under the advice and control of a gipsy woman, kept" feeding a planet," in order to know her fortune and find out her sweetheart. We have now to record a piece of matured stupidity far beyond the indiscretion, or innocence, or idiotism of a girl. Indeed, unless it were, like the former one, authenticated by the police reports, we could not imagine it possible that such credulity and infatuation could exist in what is called this enlightened age.

There live in East-lane, Walworth, a tradesman and his wife rejoicing in the name of Peebles, and one day a gipsy of what Mr. P. called an interesting appearance," entered and bought a pair of Mr. P.'s unmentionables. In the course of bargaining for these essential articles, the black-eyed beauty gently insinuated that she was possessed of a knowledge of future events, and that she could tell him something very strange, of which faculty she gave Mr. Peebles a striking specimen by mentioning to him some circumstances which had actually occurred in his own family, of which he, poor easy man, fancied nobody except himself and Mistress P. knew one single syllable.

Peebles went to his wife and told her what had occurred, and moreover, that the gipsy was desirous of communicating something to both of them together, which would turn out of the greatest possible importance to them. Mrs. Peebles was inspired for the moment with that sort of feeling which the mention of " an interesting gipsy with black eyes" by a husband excites in a wife. However, it seems that in East-lane, Walworth, the finer sentimentalities give way to more worldly feelings, and Mrs. P. was delighted with the idea of making her fortune, and driving out in a one-oss-shay, and so the shop-door was closed, business was suspended, and the gipsy called into council.