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given to the public as a proof of the pathetic, or affectionate-speaking poetically, they certainly are humble enough.
"Stop, Christian passer-by!-stop, child of God,
poet lies, or that which once seemed he.
ETON SCHOOL.–Dr. Keate has retired from the head-mastership of Eton, which, for upwards of a quarter of a century, he has filled with so much credit to himself and advantage to the admirable school which has now lost him. There never was a master who turned out more excellent scholars than Dr. Keate; and while his abilities and attention contributed to raise the reputation of the establishment of which he was the worthy head, his private and social qualities endeared him to his surrounding neighbours and friends. To those, in his retirement, his society will still be availing. His late gracious Majesty, who justly appreciated merit, and generously promoted it, bestowed upon him one of the canonries of Windsor; so that the worthy Doctor will, for a certain portion of the year, enjoy his otium cum dignitate close to the scene of his long protracted, and highly advantageous labours. Keate is succeeded in the mastership by the Rev. Mr. Hawtrey.
Negro EMANCIPATION.—Considerable anxiety is manifested with regard to the effects producible upon the blacks in the West Indies, by the arrival of the day of emancipation; which great, worthy, but most hazardous measure came into effect on the first of August. There were vast rejoicings in England upon the occasion, on the part of the antislavery body, and many remarkable ceremonies were performed to commemorate the event, all of which we confess we think premature. Nobody can deny that the abolition of slavery in the abstract sounds glorious and just ; but it is necessary to ascertain what the effects will be producible upon minds in which slavery and work are associated with freedom and idleness.
We trust that no serious insurrections, no violent ebullitions of triumphant joy, have been permitted to place the white inhabitants of our occidental colonies in a position such as that in which the people of emancipated St. Domingo were placed : indeed, we are not disposed to believe that any such tragical occurrences have taken place; but this we believe, that they are eventually very likely to happen. It is notorious, not only from the numerous communications from the West Indies at the present time, but from thousands of instances, and volumes of evidence adduced at other periods, that, as we have already suggested, the notion of the negro who is made to work because he is a slave, is that, when he is free, he is not to work at all. The only difference he sees between his master and himself-barring their colour, of which he gives the preference to his own-a fact perfectly established by the blacks uniformly painting the devil white, ---except in these particulars the difference between the master and the slave is, that one works and the other does not; and the slave believes that the moment he is, by emancipation, placed on an equality with his master, he is to enjoy all his
master's privileges--amongst all of which, none he covets or desires so much as the privilege of doing nothing.
That this is not matter of theory, or argument, or fancy, has been already proved. Lord Rolle, who became many years since an hereditary slave-proprietor, stated, a few nights before the end of the session, in the House of Lords, that his emancipated slaves had refused to work, they received their freedom with gratitude, because freedom meant idleness ; but they declared they would not work, and called upon those who had given them freedom to give them food, clothes, and lodging. With this demand Lord Rolle had complied, and in consequence had that morning received a bill drawn upon him for 10001.- which his lordship (whose benevolence of heart is notorious) said he should certainly pay; but he asked, would that be the case in all instances ? The answer is clear; even if the proprietors all had the same feelings, they have--scarcely one of them now—the means of acting upon them in a similar way. “If,” said Lord Rolle, “ I did not pay this bill, the negroes must starve—work they will not."
That Government expect great difficulties is most clear from the circumstance of their increasing, to a vast extent, colonial magistracies and a colonial police. Our fears, therefore, are thus excited for the first few days after the announcement of their freedom everything will be gaiety and garlauds, jumpings and jonkanoos; and the negroes will dance and sing, and the negresses, aping the manners of the grade, or rather the shade, above them, put on their best muslins, (of which, as slaves, they have plenty,) and consummate the happiness so envied of their betters, and i talk conversation and comb dog as merrily as the best of them. It is when the eyes of these ill-used people are to be opened that the mischief will arise-it is when they find slavery to have been a bugbear, and freedom a name, that disappointment and revenge will arise, in all their worst shapes. All the writers on the subject--all the practical men-have declared that, call the black slave or free, you will get no work out of him, unless he undergoes all the discipline of the slave.
It has been clearly shown that if the slaves had been fairly told the condition of their emancipation, and that they were to work for themselves, they would have declined their freedom. M. Malouet, speaking of free blacks, says,
“Le repos, l'oisiveté sont derenus dans leur état social leur unique passion :" he gives the same description of the free negroes in the French colonies. " Although” (we are now quoting Lord Broughan's work on Colonial Policy)“ many of them possess land and slaves, the spectacle was never yet exhibited of a free negro supporting his family by the culture of his little property. All other authors agree in giving the same description of free negroes in the British, French, and Dutch colonies, by whatever denomination they may be distinguished, whether maroons, charaibes, free blacks, or fugitive slaves. The Abbé Raynal himself,” concludes Lord Brougham, " with all his ridiculous fondness for savages, cannot, in the present instance, so far twist the facts according to his fancies and feelings, as to give a favourable portrait of this degraded race."
With this—and ten thousand times more-evidence before us, is it not natural to feel fearful and doubtful as to the results of the sudden emancipation of the slaves? The only question to be asked is, are they better prepared for emancipation now, than they were five-and-twenty
years since? We should answer, certainly not; and therefore it is we look forward with dread and apprehension to the moment when the planters and masters, who have neither the intention nor the means to accept periodical bills of a thousand pounds to keep their idle apprentices, find it necessary to exert the authority vested in the new magistracy and the increased police, in order to coerce the negroes. That moment, we think, will be the crisis; and if we had been movers, originators, and successful authors of the measure, we should have postponed our rejoicings till that crisis had come and gone. The fact is, that it is not enough for negroes to be free,—they must be free and easy; and we suspect, now so much has been done for them, they will make themselves so in a very short time.
Since our last commentary, Mr. Cutlar Fergusson has been made a Privy Councillor; the Right Hon. Robert Grant, Governor of Bombay, has been knighted, and made a Grand Cross of the Guelphic Order; and Admiral Fleeming, so well known and much esteemed on the West India station, has been appointed to the chief naval command at Sheer
The gallant Admiral is a Member of Parliament; and it is curious enough to remark, which we do with every possible respect for all the parties, that Admiral Fleeming, a Member of Parliament, has been appointed to Sheerness; Sir Edward Codrington, a Member of Parliament, has been appointed to the command of the Channel fleet; and Sir Thomas Troubridge, a Member of Parliament, to a frigate,since Sir Harry Burrard Neale was refused the naval command at Portsmouth because he was a Member of Parliament. As nobody will imagine that, in these pure times, politics have anything to do with promotion, we think we may venture to observe that the three first officers are ultra-Whigs, and that the last is a Conservative.—Mr. Milne, for many years the zealous and efficient Secretary of the Board of Land Revenue, and Woods and Forests, is appointed a Commissioner of that Board. Mr. Le Marchant, the Lord Chancellor's secretary, is appointed Clerk of the Crown, in the room of the late Lord Bathurst; and Lord Mulgrave has received the Privy Seal (vacant by the refusal of Earl Grey), with a seat in the Cabinet.
The Big BALLOON.—There has been a serious explosion in Paris. A balloon, shaped like a woolpack, and nearly half a mile long, was prepared, to bring over and set down in Hyde Park, here in London, some twenty or five-and-twenty passengers. The car was a wicker omnibus, in which these aërial voyagers were to be placed at their perfect ease : the places were booked, and the monstrous bag was to set off on Sunday week. Thousands of people repaired to the place of starting, and the greatest anxiety was evinced by the populace: the passengers were not without their feelings. Everything seemed in readiness: the philosophical cads were on the steps to hand the living cargo in; when all at once it cocked up one of its ends into the air, and gave a great p-0-0-0-ph, and in an instant split into pieces. The braves of Paris were at first tremendously alarmed at the explosion ; but the moment they found there was no further danger to be apprehended, they rushed in upon the shattered bag, and valiantly finished the work of destruction which accident bad begun, by tearing the silk
into shreds and tatters: the basket escaped; so that the intended passengers have another chance, if they choose to avail themselves of it, For our own parts, -although, as Shakspeare says,
" The air Nimbly and sweetly recommends itself
Unto our gentle senses," we should prefer a sound travelling-carriage and fleet horses to this wicker-work vehicle, even although there must intervene that equivocallysecure conveyance, the stimbot, as our excellent friends and allies call it. Whenever the Paris bag arrives in Hyde Park, we will take care to give a faithful account of its set-down.
THE MOORS AND THE Fields.—The despatches from Scotland announce great victories over the grouse, which have been achieved by various distinguished generals. The birds are plenty, and the sport has been excellent: indeed, taken altogether, the season appears to have been most favourable, not only for amusements, but for important objects. The harvest, which has failed in many parts of the Continent, is here, at least, an average one. The hops, too, the most capricious and delicate of our important vegetable products, look well; and we are told that in the cider countries there is a magnificent show of fruit. We are, indeed, a happy people, if we did but know it.
BILL TO PROMOTE IMMORALITY.—Though we have forsworn politics, yet sometimes political discussion involves such moral questions, that it would be an abandonment of its duty if a public journal was not to notice them. One of these has occurred last month, which, for its importance, as well as its extraordinary character, we must not pass by. There is a clause in the new Poor Bill which relates to illegitimate children, and it threatens to overturn all our established principles of right and wrong. Heretofore, the unhappy object of seduction had been specially cared for by our laws, and, as far as could be done, the seducer was made responsible for his own act. By the laws of nature, the parent is bound to provide for its offspring, whether illegitimate or not, and this was confirmed by the laws of God and man. Both Leviticus and Blackstone inculcate the general principle, and on this all former enactments were founded. The unfortunate female who endured both sorrow and pain, was humanely supposed to have suffered enough, and more than enough, by the consequences of her imprudence. She was already visited with loss of character and station in society—the repulse and scorn of her equals-and, generally speaking, the privation of those means of subsistence which a good name ensures, and the want of it destroys. She, who could not now support herself, could not be able to support the additional burthen of a child. It was therefore wisely enacted that the father should be obliged to do so, and having escaped all other penalties, which it was the poor mother's lot to undergo, he should in this way at least be made to know and to feel that he was not to violate the moral duties of life with perfect impunity.
But our Legislators have now thought it right to repeal all this; and as if the poor female had not suffered already sufficient wrong, they exonerate her seducer from all responsibility; tell him that he may henceforth sacrifice as many victims as he pleases, by removing the last
lingering restraint upon his passions, and throwing the whole burthen of supporting his child on the unfortunate mother, in addition to the shame, pain, and anguish which he has already caused her.
There are some men so wise as to be absolutely fools, and who so abstract their ideas as to render them the most absurd practical contradictions. This was the case of the visionary Girondists of France, and this is the case with the no less visionary Whigs of England. Will it be believed that they call this, which, by removing the restraint, becomes an incentive to vice, a moral enactment”? Are they so imbecile as to suppose that the susceptible female who, in a moment of weakness, falls a victim to her sensibility, and yields to the arts of ber seducer, ever calculates upon such a consequence; and would be one moment deterred by the contingency of the man for whom she sacrifices everything, not supporting a possible offspring ? Such a cold and calculating idea never enters the head of an unfortunate female at such a time, and the evil is done before the restraint is thought of. It was said also, among the semblance of argument used in the debate, that it was extremely difficult to ascertain the real father of the child, and therefore it would be unjust sometimes to impose the maintenance on the putative one. It is with concern we state that it was a bishop, and that bishop the Bishop of London, who used this argument; and we presume to suggest that it would be more agreeable to his Lordship’spastoral character to say, even if it were difficult, which it is not, that the cause of morality required that any man who so indulged his passions, and might have been the father, deserved and ought to pay the penalty, whether he were really the father or not.
As the law now stands, besides its exceeding hardship, injustice, and cruelty to the weaker, deceived, and less guilty party, it has a direct tendency to increase tenfold all the evils it affects to remedy. It hardens the heart of man, confounds his practical sense of right and wrong, and deadens altogether his moral feeling, by telling him, by an Act of Parliament, that he is now entirely released from the duty he owed to the laws of God and nature--that of supporting the child to whom he has given existence; it sends him a free agent into the world to gratify his unrestrained passion to any extent he may think proper; it throws the burthen of the offspring on that parent that is least able to support it; and it will, therefore, and cannot but end in a frightful increase of infanticide as well as the lesser evils which it professes to check.
COBBETT's CONSISTENCY.— It is observed by Wm. Penn, in his admirable work“ No Cross, no Crown,” that when Peter denied our Saviour, he“ began to curse and swear, to prove that he was no Christian.” This is the method some of our Radicals adopt to prove the same thing. Cobbett, in a late short address to some Radical union, has introduced no less than two oaths in as many lines. It is now some time ago since he endeavoured to canonize the rotten relics of his anti-Christian apostle; and he takes this method to assure the disciples of infidelity, that he still adheres to his principles. Lest it should be supposed that the approach of death might bring him to a different way of thinking, he affects to harden as he grows grey, like some of his friends at the gallows, who pretend to die hard that they may not be thought afraid.