The impression, that aggressive war is murderous, is general among christians, if not universal. The justness of this impression seems to be admitted by almost every government in going to war. For this reason each of two governments endeavors to fix on the other the charge of aggression, and to assume to itself the ground of defending some right, or avenging some wrong. Thus each excuses itself, and charges the other with all the blood and misery, which result from the contest.

These facts, however, are so far from affording a plea in favor of the custom of war, that they afford a weighty reason for its abolition. If in the view of conscience, the aggressor is a murderer, and answerable for the blood shed in war; if one or the other must be viewed by God as the aggressor; and if such is the delusion attending war, that each party is liable to consider the other as the aggressor; surely there must be serious danger of a nation's being involved in the guilt of murder, while they imagine they have a cause which may be jus. tified.

So prone are men to be blinded by their passions, their prejudices and their interests, that in most private quarrels, each of two individuals persuades himself that he is in the right, and his neighbor in the wrong. Hence the propriety of arbitrations, references, and appeals to courts of justice, that persons more disinterested may judge, and prevent that injustice and desolation, which would result from deciding private disputes by single combat or acts of violence.

But rulers of nations are as liable to be misled by their passions and interests as other men; and when misled, they are very sure to mislead those of their subjects, who have confidence in their wisdom and integrity. Hence it is highly important that the custom of war should be abolished, and some other mode adopted, to settle disputes between nations. In private disputes there may be cause of complaint on each side, while neither has reason to shed the blood of the other; much less to shed the blood of innocent family connexions, neighbors and friends. So of two nations, each may have cause of complaint, while neither can be justified in making war; and much less in shedding the blood of innocent people, who have had no hand in giving the of

fence.

It is an awful feature in the character of war, and a strong reason why it should not be countenanced, that it involves the innocent with the guilty in the calamities it inflicts; and often falls with the greatest vengeance on those, who have had no concern in the management of national affairs It surely is not a crime to be born in a country, which is afterwards invaded; yet in how many instances do war makers punish or destroy, for no other crime than being a native or resident of an invaded territory. A mode of revenge or redress, which makes no distinction between the innocent and the guilty, ought to be discountenanced by every friend to justice and humanity.

Besides, as the rulers of a nation are as liable as other people, to be governed by passion and prejudice, there is as little prospect of justice in permitting war for the decision of national disputes, as there would be in permitting an incensed individual to be, in his own cause, complainant, witness judge, jury and executioner. In what point of view, then, is war not to be regarded with horror?

SECTION VI.

"Shall the sword devour forever ?"

That wars have been so over-ruled by God, as to be the occasion of some benefits to mankind, will not be denied; for the same may be said of every fashion or cus tom that ever was popular among men. War may have been the occasion of advancing useful arts and sciences, and even of the spread of the gospel. But we are not to do evil that good may come, nor to countenance evil because God may over-rule it for good.

One advantage of war, which has often been mentioned, is this-it gives opportunity for the display of extraordinary talents, of daring enterprize and intrepidity But let robbery and piracy become as popular as war has been, and will not these customs give as great opportunity for the display of the same talents and qualities of mind? Shall we therefore encourage robbery and piracy? Indeed. it may be asked, do we not encourage these crimes? For what is modern warfare but a popular,

refined and legalized mode of robbery, piracy, and murder, preceded by a proclamation, giving notice of the purpose of the war maker? But whether such a proclamation changes the character of the following enormities, is a question to be decided at a higher court than that of any earthly sovereign, and by a law superior to the law of nations.

The answer of a pirate to Alexander the Great, was as just as it was severe : "By what right," said the king, "do you infest the seas?" The pirate replied, "By the same that you infest the universe. But because I do it in a small ship, I am called a robber; and because you do the same acts with a great fleet, you are called a conqueror." Equally just was the language of the Scythian ambassadors to the same deluded monarch: "Thou boastest that the only design of thy marches is to extirpate robbers. Thou thyself art the greatest robber in the

world."

May we then plead for the custom of war, because it produces such mighty robbers as Alexander? Or if once in an age it should produce such a character as Washington, will this make amends for the slaughter of twenty millions of human beings, and all the other concomitant evils of war?

If the characters of such men as Alexander had been held in just abhorrence by mankind, this single circumstance would probably have saved many millions from untimely death. But the celebrity which delusion has given to that desolating robber, and the renown attached to his splendid crimes, have excited the ambition of others, in every succeeding age, and filled the world with misery and blood.

Is it not then time for christians to learn not to attach glory to guilt, or to praise actions which God will condema? That Alexander possessed talents worthy of admiration, will be admitted. But when such talents

are prostituted to the vile purpose of military fame, by spreading destruction and misery through the world, a character is formed, which should be branded with everlasting infamy. And nothing perhaps short of the commission of such atrocious deeds, can more endanger the welfare of community, than the applause given to sucBessful military desperadoes. Murder and robbery are

not the less criminal for being perpetrated by a king, or a mighty warrior. Nor will the applause of deluded mortals secure such monsters from the vengeance of Heaven.

Dr. Prideaux states, that in the fifty battles fought by Cæsar, he slew one million, one hundred and ninety-two thousand of his enemies. If to this number we add the loss of troops on his own side, and the slaughter of women and children on both sides, we shall probably have a total of TWO MILLIONS of human beings, sacrificed to the ambition of one man.

If we assign an equal number to Alexander, and the same to Napoleon, which we probably may do with justice, then to three military butchers, we may ascribe the untimely death of six millions of the human family: a number equal to the whole population of the United States, in the year 1800. Is it not then reasonable to believe, that a greater number of human beings have been slain by the murderous custom of war, than the whole amount of the present population of the world? To what heathen deity was there ever offered such a multitude of human sacrifices, as have been offered to human ambition?

Shall then the christian world remain silent in regard to the enormity of this custom, and even applaud the deeds of men, who were a curse to the age in which they lived? Men, whose talents were employed, not in advancing the happiness of the human race but in spreading desolation and misery through the world? On the same principle that such men are applauded, we may applaud the chief of a band of robbers and pirates in proportion to his ingenuity, intrepidity, and address, in doing mischief. If the chief displays these energies of mind in a high degree in a successful course of plundering and murder, then he is a "mighty hunter,” a man of great renown.

But if we attach glory to such exploits, do we not encourage others to adopt the same road to fame? Besides, would not such applause betray a most depraved taste; a taste which makes no proper distinction between vir tue and vice, or doing good and doing mischief; a taste to be captivated with the glare of bold exploits, but regardless of the end to which they were directed, the means by which they were accomplished, the misery

which they occasioned to others, and the light in which they must be viewed by a benevolent God?

SECTION VII.

An important question now occurs. By what means is it possible to produce such a change in the state of society, and the views of christian nations, that every ruler shall feel that his own honor, safety and happiness, depend on his displaying a pacific spirit, and forbearing to engage in offensive wars? Is it not possible to form pow. erful peace societies, in every nation of Christendom, whose object shall be, to support government and secure the nation from war?

In such societies we may hope to engage every true minister of the Prince of peace, and every christian who possesses the temper of his Master. In this number would be included a large portion of important civil characters.

Having formed societies for this purpose, let the contributions be liberal, in some measure corresponding with the magnitude and importance of the object. Let these be judiciously appropriated to the purpose of dif fusing light, and the spirit of peace in every direction, and for exciting a just abhorrence of war in every breast. Let printing presses be established in sufficient numbers to fill every land with newspapers, tracts and periodical works, adapted to the pacific design of the societies. Let these all be calculated for the support and encouragement of good rulers, and for the cultivation of a mild and pacific temper among every class of citizens.

The object would be so perfectly harmonious with the spirit, the design, and the glory of the gospel, that it might be frequently the subject of discussion in the pulpit; the subject of sabbath and every day conversation, and be introduced into our daily prayers to God, whether in public or private.

Another means of advancing the object, deserves particular consideration; namely, early education. This grand object should have a place in every plan of education, in families, common schools, academies and universities.

"Train up a child in the way he should go, and when