to make articles of war for one year only, and to hold courts-martial for one year only, it was absurd to represent a clause, limiting the engagement of the soldiers to a term of seven years, as an infringement of the royal prerogative; for it was undoubtedly competent to the house to regulate any power which it conferred; and to talk of the preroga、 tive of the crown to levy men on any conditions, was very idle, since the concurrence of parliament was necessary to pay and regulate the army raised by prerogative. To those persons who, in the -course of the debate, had represented the plan of limited service as unpopular in the country, and had warned ministers to desist from that measure, before they were compelled to it by the general odium which it would bring upon them, Alr. Fox answered with dignity and firmness, "That however unwilling ministers should be to oppose their own opinions to those expressed by the majority, or any great portion of the people of England, still they felt it their duty, at a crisis so urgent as the present, not to temporize upon a measure of such vital importance to the security of the country, under any ap. prehension of risking a temporary unpopularity. Ministers who really wished to be useful to their country, must often risk both their power and their popularity. Holding a firm and systematic attention to the public good, they might sometimes find it necessary to expose both to hazard; but, if they hesitated to do so, they would ill deserve the name of statesmen. They would violate their duty, both as the servants of the crown and as members of parliament, if they were deterred by such considerations from pursuing what they thought right."| The firmness of this declaration was calculated to inspire resolution in the minds of those, who were apprehen. sive of the consequences of persisting in the new military plans, and were inclined to believe, that, though his majesty's consent had been obtained to the measure of submitting them to the considera. tion of parliament, opposition were in the right, when they insinuated that the introduction of limited service into the army, was far from being approved of at court. Surmises of that nature were circulated with the greatest industry, while the new plan was under discussion in parliament; and the credit universally given to these reports, led most probably to the uncommon obstinacy and perseverance with which it was opposed in that assembly. Many persons were of opinion, that the clause in favour of limited service would be thrown out in the house of lords, and that the loss of that question would be made a pretext for getting rid of an administration obnoxious to the court. At no period while these ministers were in office, did their continuance in power appear so uncertain and precarious, as at the moment of which we treat. It reflects credit on the firmness and integrity of the leading persons of the government, that disdaining the pusillanimous coun sels of those, who would have abandoned this great measure, the most meritorious and important of their public services, they determined to persevere in it, and to risk on its success the existence of their administration. In forming this determination, they were actuated not only by their opinion of the intrin ic merits of the measure then in discussion, but by a fixed purpose of not betraying, by their con dact, that fundamental maxim of the constitution, that the ministers ho are responsible for the measures of government, ought to have the guidance and direction of them, according to their own sense of fitness and expediency. The indirect methods said to be in agitation for their removal, were ill-calculated to bring about any compromise of onions, and tended rather to conirm them in the resolution of meet ing the danger manfully, and should they be turned out for want of compliance with the court,of meriting at east the confidence of the people. We shall now return to the parLamentary history of these proceed On the 30th of May a division took place in the committee of te house on the mutiny bill, on a Dotion for bringing up the clause esbishing limited service; for the Cause 254: against it 125; majo. 129. The ministers wished to have the clause read a second te the same night, but after the bouse had been made to divide seven tzes in order to prevent it, they were compelled to give up the poiat. On the 2nd. of June the debate was renewed on the motion to fill up the blanks in the cause, and a division being called for, there were for the question 26; against it 105; majority C1. Far from being disheartened by these repeated discomfitures, the opposition resolved on making one fort more before the clause finally passed the house of commons. On Dhe third reading of the bill (June 6) Mr. S. Bourne moved an amend ment, the effect of which was to substitute service during war and 2 for six months afterwards, instead of service for a definite period of years. The house divided, and there appeared, for the amendment 103; against it 195; majority 92. After the first reading of the mutiny bill in the house of lords, a motion was made by lord Hawkesbury (June 10) for the production of the military opinions relating to the army, which had been submitted to the commander in chief on the subject of limited service. This motion was resisted on the ground, that the opinion called for were not official documents, but private and confidential communications; and to the argument that the house was in want of military information on the question at present before it, it was answered, that it would be an unprecedented thing for the house to require argumentative opinions of those who were not its members, in order to influence its determinations. The motion was negatived without a division. The house having (June 13th.) resolved itself into a committee on the mutiny bill, lord Westmorland objected to the clause introducing limited service. A debate ensued, in which the same arguments were urged on both sides which had been used in the house of commons. The opposition lords insisted much on the supposed invasion of the prerogative by the limitation of service in the army; and in pressing this argument it was generally understood, that they calculated with great confidence on the support and concurrence of many lords connected with the household, who it was supposed would on this occasion desert the administration and thereby manifest the secret dispositions of the court. But, if they enter tained The noble lords to whom they were supposed to have looked for assistance, voted as usual with the ministers; and one of the royal dukes (his highness of Gloucester) made a speech in favour of the clause, not less remarkable for its eloquence and sound reasoning, than for the constitutional principles and ardent attachment to liberty which it breathed. The committee divided on the clause; for it 91; against it 34; majority 57. tained such expectations, they were in favour of lord Grenville, and grievously disappointed. affected to deplore the little share that noble lord seemed to have in the measures of the government, lord Temple replied with much warmth, that he could assure these gentlemen, he spoke the sentiments of his noble relative (lord Grenville), when he stated that he thanked no man for compliments paid to him at the expence of his colleagues. This debate in the house of commons took place (June 12) the day before the decisive division in the house of lords on the mutiny bill, at a time when many persons supposed the administration was drawing fast to a close. On the third reading of the bill an amendment moved by lord Hawkesbury to substitute twenty years instead of seven, was negatived without a division. The object of the Chelsea hospital bill, was to give a legal security to invalid. disabled and discharged soldiers, for such pensions and allow ances as they were entitled to by reason of their service. It was ar gued against this bill by Mr. Percival, that its provisions were nuga. tory and inefficient, and in the course of discussing its merits, the honourable gentleman entered into a virulent philippic against the administration in general, with the exception of the noble lord at the head of the treasury, and expressed his disapprobation of all their proceedings since they came into office. The attorney general vindicated the bill before the house, as one that ought to be considered, not distinct from, but pari passu with the mutiny bill, the provisions of both standing equally pledged on the faith of government and the discretion of his majesty. To the language held by several members of opposition, who in their general censures of the ad. ministration, had made an exception The object of the training bill was to enable his majesty, out of the persons liable to serve in the mi litia, to apportion among the coun ties of England, a number not exceeding 200,000 men, and direc them to be enrolled and trained according to the provisions of the act. If a sufficient number of persons should offer themselves voluntarily for training, they were to be accepted; but if not, the deficiency was to be supplied by the operation of the ballot. Volunteers and persons becoming volunteers were exempted from this service. The days of training were not to exceed 24, and the term of service was confined to one year. If immediate invasion was apprehended, the persons liable to serve under this act might be embodied by his majesty's orders, and in case of actual invasion marched to any part of Great Britain. The spirit of gross and uncandid misrepresentation, which had marked the opposition to the former parts of Mr. Windham's military plans, did not forsake his adversaries, while this bill was under discussion. They They represented it as an oppreswe and unnecessary measure, an inaction of the engagements entered to by his majesty's government the volunteers, and calculated damp the zeal, degrade the imortance, and reduce the numbers that respectable and meritorious ody of men, against whom, it was Sated, his majesty's governat entertained sentiments of the Et inveterate and rancorous hosIt was denied by the minis. en, that there existed on their part 2 disposition to undervalue the ices of the volunteers, or to destheir establishment. It was intended by government to suede them, but to render them, they were originally intended men serving their country at Town expence. The training instead of being calculated to are the volunteers, was an auximeasure, which would rather to support and keep up numbers. corps, take rank above any field officer of his majesty's regular or militia forces, which by the acts of parliament then in force he was entitled to do. Obvious as was the propriety of this regulation, and necessary as it was to amend an error, which had arisen at first from mere inadvertence, there was some opposition to the bill, though no division upon it. Opposition was also made to the militia officers' bill, which was introduced on the following occasion. An augmentation of pay to the offi. cers of the regular army being in the contemplation of his majesty's government,it was judged proper to extend the same to subalterns in the militia, but not to field officers of the militia, who, being necessarily men of property, were not in want of it. But by act of parliament the officers of the militia, when embodied, are entitled to the same pay and allowances No engagement as the officers of the line. A red into with the volun- bill to set aside this provision, was violated by the pre- as far as it should affect any in*ball, because no volunteer, nor crease of pay to officers and solperson, who chose to become diers of the line after the 1st. of sateer at his own expence, was June 1806, was therefore brought e to its operation, into parliament. It was opposed The training bill was followed with great violence and clamour as art to suspend the ballot for a death blow to the militia, which, milia in England for two it was insinuated, government had 2, with a reserved power to go. a mind to sacrifice to the same pasent of recurring to it, in order sions, which were to be gratified by ly the vacancies of any corps, the destruction of the volunteer esshould happen to be reduced tablishment. It was answered by ow its quota. ministry, that there was no The last act brought into parlia- reason why the militia and rein pursuance of Mr. Wind- gular army should be on the same military plans, was one to footing in regard to pay. There are that no officer of any corps were already distinctions between Feomanry or volunteers, should the two services sufficiently markreason of his commission in such ed. The regular officers had half 3 pay pay which the militia officers had not; and the militia officers were required to have qualifications, which were not demanded from the officers of the line. The proposed increase of pay to the officers of the line did not injure the militia officers, for it left them with the same pay which they now enjoyed. Nor could it be regarded as an affront to them that they were not included in the present arrangement; for the same reason, that had induced government to withhold the additional pay from the field officers of the militia, had determined it to act in the same manner with respect to the officers of the cavalry and the guards; namely that none of these descriptions of officers were in the same want of additional pay as the officers of the line, and that, if an addition of pay was to be made to those who were not in want of it, less could be afforded to those who stood in actual need of it. On the third reading of the bill the house divided; ayes 35; nocs 24; majority for the bill 11. The additional pay to infantry officers was afterwards voted in a committee of supply (July 14th.) without opposition, along with an increase of pay to serjeants, corporals and privates, an addition to the Chelsea pension, and an increase of pensions to officers' widows. In this laudable anxiety shewn by government for improving the present condition, and adding to the future prospects of the army, the interests of the navy were not forgotten. In a committee of supply (April 25th.) lord Howick explained to the house the intentions of his majesty's go. ernment respecting the allowance of additional pay to the officers, pett officers, and seamen of the roya navy, and on the motion of th same noble lord a sum was vote for enabling government to carr that measure into effect. Two act of parliament were afterwards pass: ed, in pursuance of a recommenda tion from his majesty, to empowe the governors of Greenwich Hospi tal and the directors of the chest o Greenwich, to increase the allow ances to out-pensioners of Green wich Hospital, and to grant pen sions to old, infirm, and disable officers, not provided for in tha hospital, in addition to their hall pay; and in order to defray thes expences, additional funds appropriated by act of parliamen to the support and increase of tha noble establishment. wer One subject relating to the army still remains to be mentionedWhen ministers came first int office, they. found that a greate number of foreign troops had been enlisted and brought into the king dom, than was authorized by law in consequence of which they wer induced (February 27th.) to ap ply to parliament for an act of in demnity to the advisers of tha measure; and as it would have been inexpedient to have disband. ed these troops, and inconvenient if not impossible, to have sent them immediately out of the kingdom. they procured authority for his ma. jesty to retain them in the country. and to increase them permanently to the number of 16,000 men. It is to be regretted that the necessity for this bill should have arisen, and it is still more to be lamented, that any temporary convenience should have led to the permanent augmen |