attests its insalubrity. Their languishing existence may be termed only a more or less prolonged death. Indeed, there are scarcely any habitations to be seen, but those which are designed for the accom modation of travellers. The wretched people, who reside in them, excite sensations of pity which it is difficult to disguise from them; and they are themselves aware how fragile the thread is, which at taches them to life. Some years ago, a traveller, perceiving a party of these animated spectres, asked them how they managed to live in such a country. We die, they answered. The traveller was struck with this sublime and sorrowful lacoricism. To the reader, it will furnish a hint by which he may estimate the country, the inhabitants, and the services which Pius VI. has rendered them.'

The administration of the Roman states was proverbially the worst of any in Europe. As the government wanted energy and knowlege for the management of the finances, and the encouragement of industry, it was equally insufficient for the suppression of crimes: which abounded to a most alarming degree, from the concurring circumstances of a burning climate, want of education, sloth, and the hope of impunity, founded on privileges which a number of places and persons enjoyed. The reign of Clement XIII. lasted eleven years; and during his papacy, ten thousand murders were perpetrated of which number, four thousand happened in Rome only! Few of the modern Romans ever were unprovided with pocket-pistols or daggers; which latter, especially, were their favourite weapons. These, with other dreadful abuses, which rendered modern Rome the very sink of iniquity and abomination, had if possible) been on the increase during the reign of Pius VI. Among the numerous examples which might be cited in support of this statement, we shall only mention one that happened a few years ago; as it will prove in what manner justice was administered, and what were the means devised by Pius to enforce the vigilance of the police. It is cited by Gorani, who relates it on the authority of the Spanish minister :

Rovaglio, the Pope's watchmaker, who lived in one of the most frequented streets of Rome, was in danger of being robbed during the night. He lodged a complaint with the Governor of Rome, (the prelate Busca,) since a cardinal, who promised that his house should be watched. The thieves knew, as well as the watchmaker, what reliance was to be placed on such a promise; and they resolved to take their measures accordingly: but Rovaglio was prepared.* He himself discharged the duties of the police, and again the attempt failed. Some time afterward, the Pope, seeing Rovaglio, asked him the particulars of his adventure, and suggested to him an expedient which, by a single trait, paints both the character of the Pope, and the government of Rome: "How perplexed you are (said his Holiness) to rid yourself of these thieves! Arm yourself with muskets

and pistols. Fire on the villains; and if you kill them, I give you absolution before hand."

It was impossible for a government, thus acknowleging its own impotence, to hope for any long continuance. Indeed, many years before its overthrow, the Romans themselves would account for its preservation by saying that it was a perpetual miracle of St. Peter.

Were we not to keep in view the limits of our pages, we might extract some curious particulars of the Nepotism of Pius VI. It was, perhaps, the worst feature in his papal character. We need only mention the name of Lépri, to bring to the recollection of our readers one of the most interesting law-suits that ever was agitated in any court of justice. In the course of it, Europe beheld with exultation the Rota, that deservedly far-famed tribunal, decide against the Pope's nephews.

The holy see, though tottering for a long time, was almost shaken to its foundation by the enterprising Joseph II. All remedies, designed to stop the progress of the Emperor's innovations, having proved abortive, Pius VI. conceived the extraordinary design of converting that monarch by visiting him in person. Posterity, perhaps, will scarcely deem this incident worthy of their notice; yet, as the majority of our readers may remember, a great proportion of their contemporaries thought it one of the most singular events that could be recorded in history. Every one, except Pius VI., anticipated the result of such a measure. Joseph II., though really diverted with the motives which induced his Holiness to undertake the journey, neglected nothing to render it agreeable. He, however, confined within proper bounds the attentions which he shewed to his extraordinary guest: for, when Cardinal Migazzi, Archbishop of Vienna, on departing to meet the Pope, asked the Emperor whether the bells ought to be rung on the Pope's entering the metropolis; the monarch answered," A fine question! Are not the bells your artillery ?" While Pius was treated in the Austrian capital with distinguished politeness, Joseph was too much of a courtier to give him any opportunities of promoting the principal design of his journey. The Emperor's philosophic minister, Prince-Kaunitz, forwarded still less the views of the Pope, who could not obtain from him so much as a first visit; so that, wishing to see the Prince's grand collection of pictures, Pius was obliged to make overtures which were very inconsistent with his dignity. The visit was still more mortifying to the Pope's pride. Kaunitz did not meet him *,

* See a character of that minister, consistent with this anecdote, in pp. 548, 551, 552, of this Appendix.

but,

but, still wrapped in his morning gown, awaited his Holiness; and, instead of kissing the Pope's out-stretched hand, as usual, he shook it heartily, to the great amazement of the sovereign Pontiff, and all the by-standers. Yet the Pope, for the sake of decorum, could not but acknowlege, however reluctantly, the extreme complaisance of Prince Kaunitz.

However unsuccessful this Vienna journey proved, the Pope was very solicitous to make the world believe the contrary. He conceived new hopes, when Joseph returned his visit at Rome-but never could the leaden weapons of the ecclesiastical canons, nor the inconclusive arguments of Romish theology, make any impressions on the sense and acumen of Joseph.

We shall not be expected to take notice of the minor transactions and quarrels of Pius VI. with several courts. With great propriety, they are stated at length by this anonymous author; they fill the larger part of the second volume; and they will not bear curtailment. Suffice it to say that, in our opinion, they are detailed with judgment; which is so much the more to be praised, as materials of that description, in the hand of an undiscerning writer, become a dead weight on historical compositions, and are generally doomed to oblivion in uncut leaves, or in pages closely adhering as they come out of the bookbinder's hands.

The concussions and gradual subversion of the churchestablishment in France are here collaterally discussed. The dignified clergy little expected that the changes would be carried to such extremities., M. de Loménie, formerly Bishop of Toulouse, was president of the committee nominated by the clergy for the purpose of reforming the monasteries. One day, he conversed about his scheme with a friar who did not altogether incline to his opinion, and who pleaded, to the best of his ability, the cause of his brethren. The Archbishop, still persisting, said, (somewhat displeased,) "Yes, I am determined; the friars must absolutely be reformed."" Have a care," replied the monastic; "after the friars, it will come to the priests' turn, and at last, my Lord, to the mitres.

If the authenticity of these memoirs can anywhere be questioned, it may perhaps be in the particulars relating to the late conduct of the French in Rome, and the Pope's removal from that seat of government. Pius VI., we are told, was little

*This striking prophecy, which the event has so completely fulfilled, was delivered in the following pun, which it would be difficult to render into English: Oui, c'est une chose décidée; il faut absolument réformer cette moinaille."-" Prenez-y-garde (lui répliqua le cénobite); après la moinaille, on en viendra à la prétraille; et puis enfin, monseigneur, à la mitraille."

affected

affected by it; and anecdotes are related to prove that his vanity and his fondness for exquisite repasts had not abated. Though neither our religious principles, nor any other consideration, can be supposed to bias our judgment in favor of the unfortunate subject of these volumes, (who, as the public prints inform us, is now placed beyond the reach of human praise or censure,) we cannot but feel as men ; and we could have wished that the author of this performance had shewn, in the latter part of it, more indulgence to a prince whose situation was a very intricate and delicate one; and who, notwithstanding his failings, will ever be entitled to considerable respect from the unbiased inquirer.

ART. XVII. Recherches sur les Origines Celtiques, &c. i. e. Celtic Researches, relative particularly to the Antiquities of the Bugey, considered as the Nursery of the Celtic Delta. BY PETER J. J BACON-TACON. 8vo. 2 Vols. Paris. 1799. London, imported by De Boffe.

THI

HE local antiquities of any particular spot or division of country, however interesting to the natives, seldom excite general attention; unless the place or tract, to which they refer, has been the scene of memorable events, or the abode of very distinguished men. This observation applies particularly to the present publication. It not unfrequently happens, however, that what has been long disregarded, as of small moment, may turn out, under particular circumstances, to be of inesti mable value in the opinion of the historian, the philosopher, or the general antiquary. Hence we are far from approving the rash and fastidious judgment of those, who, viewing every pursuit only as it falls within their own circumscribed sphere, attempt to traduce and ridicule every profound and laborious inquity into antiquity.

M. BACON-TACON, as may be imagined, is a native of the Bugey; which, according to the former division of France, was a province of that kingdom. It is included between Savoy, Bresse, Dauphiny, Gex, and Franche-Comté. Before the

time of Brennus, the Bugey, the tract of land denominated Gex, and part of Bresse, formed a distinct country, which is termed the Celtic Delta by Polybius, in allusion to its triangular form.

The author traces the primitive history of the Bugey to the first ages of the world, and thinks that its mountains retain their original form; being a continuation of Mount Jura, which is itself closely connected with the Alps. It is well ascertained, however, that the name of the Pyrenees was, in the

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earlier

As

earlier ages, common both to the Pyrenees and the Alps. for the denomination of Pyrenees, it is derived from up fire, which is also pronounced fir, feur, fire, vier, or even simply ur, according to the diversity of the Celtic idioms. Hence the Latin words pyra and urere. The origin of this appellation is to be sought in that ever-memorable event, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus, Book VI. the conflagration of the primeval forest which covered the whole ridge of mountains since termed the Pyrenees.'

The writer endeavours to prove that the worship of Isis was, from time immemorial, established in the Bugey; and that the topographical nomenclature of the country is still in a manner entirely Isiac. He countenances the observation of Jamblichus, that all names of the first ages of the world are mystic, emphatic, and including (agreeably to the different resolution of each word) various meanings or versatile explanations; the aggregate of which presents the historical picture of facts, of which the artificial name, whether attributed to a place or a person, is only the abridged and symbolic contexture. Thus the author is of opinion that the name of Mount Jura is a mystic appellation, relative to the first conflagration abovementioned; and that Cæsar, in accommodation to the Latin idiom, formed it from the original, Y-ur-A, a term evidently importing here the first fire.

:

M. BACON-TACON inclines to suppose that the Bugistes, or inhabitants of the Bugey, 600 years before our æra, accompanied Bellovesus on his memorable expedition to Italy, where he founded the cities of Cremona, Vicenza, Aquileja, Pavia, Mantua, &c. (See Lib. V.)

It seems that the Celtic prince, whose name the historians have translated Bellovesus, was called Bel-vez or Pelvis, a family name, which is still extant. Of this mixed appellation, the first part may have given the name to Belley, the capital town of the Bugey, in the same manner as the second has done to the borough of Veysia. It was notoriously the usage of antient conquerors, or chiefs of expeditions, to leave on their route some trace of their name. Thus all critics are agreed, that, three centuries after Bellovesus, Brennus gave his name in Italy to the city of Brennona; a denomination which the lapse of time has corrupted into that of Verona.

From various concurring circumstances, the author concludes that the Rhodians, about 300 years before Christ, founded a colony on the Bugey; and, taking it for granted, on the authority of Pliny and Eusebius, that they gave their name to the river Rhone, he endeavours to ascertain its original appellation. There is much ingenuity in this dissertation; and those who delight in etymological investigations will be pleased