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THE accounts received relative to English affairs have not been important. Some fresh attempts at Chartist agitation have been made, but these were on a comparatively small scale, and not attended with any results of moment; indeed this party seems at present to be powerless. In Liverpool apprehensions were felt that an outbreak of the large body of Irish residents there and of sympathizers was intended, in aid of the insurrection in Ireland, in consequence of which the military were reinforced in that town, and a large number of special constables sworn in to preserve the peace, but up to the latest advices their services had not been required. The proposed visit of the Queen to Ireland was given up on account of the state of that country.


conviction and transportation of Mitchel there was a short period of tranquillity in the country, but this was of short duration. The organization of clubs by the physical force party was extended throughout the South and West; incendiary speeches were made at various public meetings, and the Felon and other newspapers of the party evinced a reckless violence amounting to frenzy. Dublin, Cork, Waterford and other places were placed by special proclamation under the provisions of the act for preserving the peace, and proceedings were taken for disarming the disaffected. Mr. John Martin, the proprietor of the "Felon" newspaper, Mr. Duffy of the " Nation," together with O'Dogherty and Williams of the "Tribune," were arrested in Dublin and committed to Newgate, charged with felony, and all published copies of their papers were seized by the police. Notwithstanding their incarceration they continued to write, in prison, articles as

The attempted junction of the moral and physical force Repealers has entirely failed. The proceedings of the latter at the time of the endeavor to establish a general" League" of Repealers, were of a character so directly tend-inflammatory as those for which they were ing to insurrection, that the leaders of the under prosecution, until prohibited by the auRepeal Association" declined to join with thorities, who ascertained that their writings them, and Mr. John O'Connell and others were sent out under pretence of being commuhave publicly refused to concert with them, nications with their legal advisers. Since the and have openly denounced their acts as im late active measures for quelling the insurrecpolitic and hopeless of success. After the tionary movements, which will be presently


all the stages on that evening. On the second reading Sir Lucius O'Brien, brother of Smith O'Brien, declared that although his relative might be the first person affected by the measure, he considered it necessary and could not withhold his support. On Monday the 24th July the measure passed the House of Lords, and on the following day received the royal assent.

referred to, the publication of these papers has been prevented by the government. The trial of these prisoners was appointed to take place on the 8th August, and at the last accounts the jurors had been summoned and arrangements made for that purpose. Similar threats have been made by the clubs to those which preceded the trial and conviction of Mitchel, that if convicted the sentence should be forcibly prevented from being carried into execution, but the government are determined to persevere in the prosecutions. Mr. T. F. Meagher and several other persons have been arrested and held to bail for sedition, but even if they surrender, they cannot be tried for a considerable period.

In consequence of the extended arming and organization of clubs for the openly avowed purpose of insurrection, publicly announced by the leaders to take place so soon as the harvest should be gathered in, and which was to be seized upon to supply the insurgent commissariat, the government considered it necessary to apply to Parliament for additional powers to enable them, by arresting the leaders, to crush the spirit of rebellion which was being fermented through a great portion of the country. On the 22d July Lord John Russell, upon notice, moved in the House of Commons for leave to bring in a bill empowering the Lord Lieutenant to apprehend and detain, until the 1st of March next, such persons as he shall suspect of conspiring against the Queen's person and government. After expressing his regret at the necessity of suspending the constitutional liberties of Ireland, he traced the history of the "Confederation," and showed from the avowed manifestos published in the "Felon" and "Nation" newspapers, that the fixed intention of the confederates was to subvert entirely the Imperial government-to annihilate all rights of property-to hold up the hope of plunder to those who would join in the rebellion, and the threat of depriving all those of their property who remained faithful to their allegiance. One of these manifestos entitled "The value of the Irish Harvest," set forth that there was growing in Ireland pro-active measures were in progress for insuring duce of the value of eighty millions sterling, his capture. This is the only outbreak of and declared that it would be for the new Irish Council of Three Hundred to decide how this should be apportioned; thus showing that by one sweeping confiscation the masters of this Red Republic were prepared to disregard all existing social rules, and reduce everything to anarchy. He stated that notwithstanding all persons of property and the clergy of all denominations were earnestly laboring to prevent an outbreak, no moral influence could prevail to deter many thousands of the younger men from joining in the proposed insurrection. The motion, which received an almost unanimous support from all parties, was carried on a division of 271 to 8, and the bill passed through

which information has been received.

The state of siege is still maintained in Paris, which under its régime continues tranquil, the disaffected being kept in check by the vigorous measures under Gen. Cavaignac's administration. Numerous arrests are however made as the disclosures relative to the outbreak of June progress, and the disarming of the portion of the National Guard whose loyalty is suspected, is being carried on with vigor. Assassinations are of frequent occurrence, and it is said the Communists look forward to the time when distress among the laboring classes will render them the ready tools for another insurrection. At present these doctrines have met with a de

Immediately after the receipt of a copy of the act in Dublin, the Lord Lieutenant issued numerous warrants for the apprehension of the ringleaders of the conspiracy, but most of them had made a precipitate retreat from that city, spreading themselves over various parts of the disaffected provinces. Rewards were advertised for the apprehension of Smith O'Brien, Meagher and others. It having been ascertained that the former had passed the night of the 28th July among the colliers, or "Black Boys" of Boulagh Common, near Ballingarry, in the county of Tipperary, an Inspector of Police named Trant, with thirty-seven men, proceeded there for the purpose of capturing him, where he was found with a large body of armed followers prepared to give battle. The police not being sufficiently numerous to withstand the threatened attack, retreated to and took possession of a small house on a cross road, where they were quickly surrounded, and O'Brien advanced and demanded a surrender of their arms, which was refused. Some parleying took place, after which the insurgents proceeded to pile straw and other combustible materials about the building for the purpose of compelling the police to surrender. A Catholic priest in the neighborhood, hearing of the affray, came up and used his utmost exertions to persuade the people to retire, but without success. After some time the police fired, killing and wounding several, the number being variously estimated at from five to a much greater amount. The firing was heard by another detachment of police, who hastened to the rescue of their comrades, on seeing whom, the mob made a quick retreat. O'Brien is said to have ridden off alone, and at the last accounts

cided check in the National Assembly. M. Proudhon introduced a measure to confiscate a third part of all property. He openly advocated the measure as the beginning of a new state of things; property according to his views being inconsistent with the principles of the revolution, and the one being inevitably destined to destroy the other. For the purpose of giving a quietus to questions of this sort, the proposition was referred to a committee, who made a strong report against it, on the reception of which the Assembly passed a resolution of a most denunciatory character, and on the division M. Proudhon was left in a minority of two! only one other member affording him a support. The National Guard of Lyons is being disarmed.

A decree has been passed requiring security to be deposited by the publishers of journals. In the departments of the Seine for all published more than twice a week a deposit of 24,000 fr. is to be made in the Treasury; those twice a week 18,000, once a week 12,000; more than once a month 6,000. In other places the amount of deposit is regulated by the population. Major Constantine, one of the officers charged to investigate the facts relative to the insurrection of June, has been arrested, having been recognized by several of the insurgents as having repeatedly come to encourage them at the barricades, disguised in a blouse and a casquet: according to their statements he was to have been the minister of war had the insurrection been successful. Ledru Rollin, Louis Blanc and Caussidière are charged before the Assembly with being implicated in the various risings since the Revolution. Lamartine is said not to be suspected. The government has effected a loan of 150,000,000 francs at 5 per cent. from the Bank of France, at the price of 75 1-4 with other advantages which make the interest about 7 per cent.


The published table of receipts of taxes for the first six months of the present year shows a decrease of 61,818,000 fr.; compared with the year 1846 the decrease is 67,652,000 fr. The returns of the customs duties collected during the month of June last, shows 5,890,163 fr. They produced in the corresponding month of 1846, 12,612,579 fr.; and in 1847, 11,180,163. The receipts of the customs during the first half year of 1848 did not exceed 38,150,854 fr., whilst they had amounted in 1846 to 74,676,750; and in 1847 to 65,956,675. The number of French and foreign vessels which entered the harbors of France during the first six months of 1848, was 6,395, measuring 881,295 tons; or 3,905 vessels and 521,373 tons less than in 1847. The number of vessels of all countries which sailed from French harbors during the last six months was 5,684, measuring 675,363 tons, or 815 vessels and 94,884 tons less than in 1847. The committee on the Constitution


are proceeding rapidly to a conclusion of their labors; and it appears they will recommend the election of the President to be made by universal suffrage, and not by the Assembly. The Constitution will be presented by the committee to the National Assembly, and as that body proposes to adjourn for a month it will yet be some time before there is any regularly established government existing in France.

In Venice a grand popular demonstration was made in favor of Charles Albert, and on the 3d of July the Assembly met, when the junction of that territory with Upper Italy was proclaimed amid great enthusiasm: some Piedmontese troops have arrived in Venice. Seven engagements were fought between the Austrians and the troops of Charles Albert on the 24th and 25th July, with great loss on both sides: the result of which was that the latter were worsted and compelled to retire to the line occupied by their reserve on the Mincio. A further battle took place on the 26th, at which the Piedmontese were completely routed. It is said that Charles Albert has formally applied to the French Government for military assistance. Rome appears to be in a distracted state, the workmen who, in French fashion, were employed by the government, causing great uneasiness. The Pope has lost popularity from his opposition to the war with Austria: the war government under Miami as prime minister, is said to be dissolved, and the church party are intriguing to regain their lost power. The Duke of Genoa, second son of Charles Albert, has been chosen King of Sicily, and the government of Naples are making large preparations for the invasion of that island.

The Archduke John, brother of the Emperor of Austria, has been installed head of the Germanic confederation, with the title of "Vicar of the Empire," which has caused great dissatisfaction in Prussia: the armed force of the empire is to consist of about 900,000 men. In 1820 the public debt of Prussia amounted to 205,000,000 dollars, since which time it has been reduced to 126,000,000, and the Minister of Finance stated that the domains of the State were far more than sufficient to cover this sum. Attempts to establish an armistice between Denmark and Prussia have failed, but negotiations for a settlement of the Schleswig Holstein question are still in progress. The constituent assembly of Austria assembled at Vienna is composed of a motley crew, many being mere peasants understanding no language but their own provincial Italian, German or Bohemian; many can neither read nor write, and threequarters are said to be extremely ignorant and incompetent; the king has not yet returned to Vienna. A ministry has been formed, which has begun with sweeping alterations among all placeholders, and appears to be actuated by a thoroughly radical and democratic spirit.


Dictionary of Americanisms. A Glossary of
Words and Phrases usually regarded as
peculiar to the United States. By JOHN RUS-
SELL BARTLETT, Corresponding Secretary
of the American Ethnological Society, and
Foreign Corresponding Secretary of the New
York Historical Society. New York:
Bartlett & Welford. 1848.

This work is so suggestive of amusement, that we very much regret the necessity of letting it go by with only a passing notice. The title sufficiently explains its object, which is, not to distinguish all the_pure Americanisms, but simply to collect "all the words usually called provincial or vulgar-all the words, whatever be their origin, which are used in familiar conversation, and but seldom employ. ed in composition-all the perversions of language and abuses of words into which people, in certain sections of the country, have fallen, and some of those remarkable and ludicrous forms of speech which have been adopted in the Western States."

The author states that on comparing familiar New England words "with the provincial and colloquial language of the Northern counties of England, a most striking resemblance appeared, not only in the words commonly regarded as peculiar to New England, but in the dialectical pronunciation of certain words, and in the general tone and accent."

"In fact, it may be said, without exaggeration, that nine tenths of the colloquial peculiarities of New England are derived directly from Great Britain; and that they are now provincial in those parts from which the early colonists emigrated, or are to be found in the writings of well accredited authors of the period when that emigration took place. Consequently, it is obvious, that we have the best authority for the use of the words referred to.

"It may be insisted, therefore, that the idiom of New England is as pure English, taken as a whole, as was spoken in England at the period when these colonies were settled. In making this assertion, I do not take as a standard the nasal twang, the drawling enunciation, or those perversions of language which the ignorant and uneducated adopt. Nor would I acknowledge the abuse of many of our most useful words. For these perversions I make no other defence or apology, but that they occur in all countries, and in every language."

The work appears to be quite full, judging

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To AXE. (Ang. Sax. acsian, axian.) To ask,

This word is now considered a vulgarism; though, like many others under the same censure, it is as old as the English language. Among the early writers it was used the same as ask is now. In England it still exists in the colloquial dialect of Norfolk and other counties. A true born Londoner, says Pegge, in his Anecdotes of the English Language, always axes questions, axes pardon, and at quadrilles, axes leave. In the United States it is somewhat used by the vulgar.-Forby's Vocabulary. Richardson's Dic,

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The King axed after your Grace's welfare.-Pegge's Anecdotes.

Day before yesterday, I went down to the Post Office' and ax'd the Post-master if there was anything for me.Maj. Jones's Courtship, p. 172.

I have often azed myself what sort of a gall that splendiferous Lady of the Lake of Scott's was.-Sam Slick in Eng. ch. 30.

TO KNOW 6 FROM A bull's foot. It is a common phrase to say, "He does not know B from a bull's foot," meaning that a person is very illiterate, or very ignorant. The term bull's foot is chosen merely for the sake of the alliteration; as in the similar phrases, "He does not know B from a broomstick," or "B from a battledoor." It is a very old saying; Mr. Halliwell finds it in one of the Digby MSS.

I know not A from the wynd mylne,

Ne a B from a bole-foot, I trowe, ni thiself nother. Archaic and Provincial Glossary.

CLAM-SHELL. The lips, or mouth. There is a common though vulgar expression in New England, of "Shut your clam-shell," that is, Shut your mouth, hold your tongue.

COUPON. A financial term, which, together with the practice, is borrowed from France. In the United States, the certificates of States stocks drawing interest are accompanied by coupons, which are small tickets attached to the certificates. At each term when the interest falls due, one of these coupons is cut off (whence the name); and this being presented to the State treasurer, or to a bank designated by him, entitles the holder to receive the interest. The coupons attached to the bonds of some of the Western States have not been cut off for several years.


Loco-FOCO. The name by which the Democratic party is extensively distinguished throughout the United States. This name originated in the year 1835, when a division arose in the party, in consequence of the nomination of Gideon Lee as the Democratic candidate for Congress, by the committee chosen for that purpose. This nomination, as was customary, had to be confirmed at a general meeting of Democrats held at Tammany Hall. His friends anticipated opposition, and assembled in large numbers to support him. The first question which arose,” says Mr. Hammond, “and which would test the strength of the parties, was the selection of Chairman. The friends of Mr. Lee, whom we will call Tammany men, supported Mr. Varian; and the anti-monopolists, Mr. Curtis. The Tammanies entered the hall as soon as the doors were opened, by means of back stairs; while at the same time the Equal Rights party rushed into the long room up the front stairs. Both parties were loud and boisterous; the one declaring that Mr. Varian was chosen Chairman, and the other that Mr. Curtis was duly elected the presiding officer. A very tumultuous and confused scene ensued, during which the gas-lights, with which the hall was illuminated, were extinguished. The Equal Rights party, either having witnessed similar occurrences, or having received some intima

tions that such would be the course of their opponents, had provided themselves with locofoco matches and candles, and the room was re-lighted in a moment. The Courier and Enquirer' newspaper dubbed the anti-monopolists, who used the matches, with the name of Locofocos; which was soon after given to the Democratic party, and which they have since retained."-Hammond's Political History of New York, Vol. II. p. 491.

TO ROW UP SALT RIVER, is a common phrase, used generally to signify political defeat. The distance to which a party is rowed up Salt River depends entirely upon the magnitude of the majority against its candidates. If the defeat is particularly overwhelming, the unsuccessful party is rowed up to the very head waters of Salt River.

It is occasionally used as nearly synonymous with to row up, as in the following example, but this application is rare:

Judge Clayton made a speech that fairly made the tumblers hop. He rowed the Tories up and over Salt RiverCrockett, Tour Down East, p. 46.

To row up Salt River has its origin in the fact that there is a small stream of that name in Kentucky, the passage of which is made difficult and laborious as well by its tortuous course as by the abundance of shallows and bars. The real application of the phrase is to the unhappy wight who has the task of propelling the boat up the stream; but in political or slang usage it is to those who are rowed up-the passengers, not the oarsman. [J. Inman.]

SMALL POTATOES. An epithet applied to persons,

and signifying mean, contemptible; as, 'He is very small potatoes. Small potatoes are not fit for eating, and except for the feeding of hogs and cattle, are worthless; hence the expression as applied to men. It is sometimes put into the more emphatic form of small potatoes and few in a hill; see Sam Slick in England for an explanation of the latter, ch. 6.

Give me an honest old soldier for the Presidencywhether Whig or Democrat-and I will leave your small potato politicians and pettyfogging lawyers to those who are willing to submit the destiny of this great nation to such hands.-N. Y. Herald, Dec. 13, 1846.

The very incidents of the meeting, and the names of the speakers [noticed by the Washington Union], induce a strong suspicion that it was rather small potatoes.-N. Y. Com. Adv., April 15, 1848.

SISTERN, for sisters. A vulgar pronunciation sometimes heard from uneducated preachers at the West.

"Brethurn and sisturn, it's a powerful great work, this here preaching of the gospel, as the great apostle hisself allows in them words of hissin what's jest come into my mind; for I never knowed what to preach till I ris up "-Carlton, The New Purchase, Vol. I. p. 203.

(We have heard in a conference meeting a speaker desiring to "hear something from the female breetheren !"-Ed. Rev.)

ToOTIES. A common term in nursery language for the feet. A corruption of footies, i. e. feet. Used in England as well as with us.

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