in the Papal states had been put down, that Austria went through the form of joining the other four great powers (May 1831) in a memorandum to Gregory XVI., then newly elected Pope, recommending certain reforms, as essentially necessary. This was, however, a pure formality: for, on Cardinal Bernetti's attempting to give effect in part to the recommendation, Austria interfered. Her interests are so diametrically opposed to those of Italy, that Azeglio assumes it as a fact, of which there can be no question; and he assumes, accordingly, that no justice is to be expected from her.

But what are we to say to France? That great country can have no manner of interest in the degradation of Italy. Quite the contrary. But, if her Government had frankly played into the hands of Austria from the first, its policy would not have been more fatal to Italy than it actually has been; while it would have saved that unhappy country from no end of hopes and struggles-encouraged only to be betrayed. The French occupation of Ancona, as explained by Cassimir Perrier to the Chamber in 1832, had two objects: in the first instance, the protection of the Papal states against Austria; but, in the next place, the introduction of those administrative reforms, which are a better security to governments than the repression of periodical rebellions. Ancona, however, was afterwards evacuated; with no further security for this last object than may be supposed to be contained in the brilliant speeches which M. Guizot and M. Duchatel (the present ministers), as well as the Duc de Broglie and M. Thiers, made on the occasion. And now that the Pope himself has turned reformer, what mist is again poisoning the policy of the Tuilleries? Instead of cooperating to raise up two noble nations in the two peninsulas, the French people-so proud (and justly) of their nationality— are made to look like conniving parties to some secret compact, by which France is to give up Italy to Austria, on condition that Spain is delivered over to the matrimonial designs of the house of Orleans!-a turn of affairs this, surely, in which France has no more interest than glory. It will be a difficult task for any future historian of modern European civilisation' to reconcile any conscientious sympathy in its progress, with these transactions. Whoever wishes to study severe morality on paper, will do well to read M. Guizot's writings: whoever wishes to study loose morality, illustrated by examples, cannot do better than track him in his late ministerial career.

If ever a nation assumed a moral attitude which entitled it to the confidence of neighbouring powers, it is the Moderate and Progressive party, now happily a great majority throughout Italy, and represented by the Pope himself. The Moderate

party is become so numerous as to be the National party. Their great rule of conduct has been, to substitute appeals to reason, in the place of appeals to force to urge forward the Governments, in order that revolution may be anticipated by reform: and to keep back the people, in order that no pretext may be given for Austrian intervention. The first year of the Pontificate of Pius IX., so regarded, would make an annus mirabilis in any history.

A few months before the late Pope was passing to his last account, Azeglio laid at the old man's feet a glowing picture of the terrible effects of his misrule, and of what was his awful responsibility. Gregory must have trembled even in St Peter's chair, as he read of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to

come.

Either my accusations,' said Azeglio, are calumnies-if so, prove it-Or, it is true, that One who preaches justice, and sits in its highest charge, is himself committing injustice. And then, it is reasonable to ask of him-if there are two Gospels, and two morals, or only one-if he is convinced or no, of that which he is preaching and teaching to the world? It is then reasonable to ask of him, to deny one of two things—either his teaching or his actions: to demand of him, if in our age it be lawful, or, among things possible, to maintain any authority whatever, upon the flagrant and perpetual denial of its own proper principles: if there be a man in the world who can have a right to set at defiance the reason of all mankind: and if it be not too great an absurdity to suppose that mankind will quietly resign themselves to the multitude of evils which must ensue? On the contrary, it is reasonable to tell him :-Of the risings of Romagna, of those slaughters, those exiles, of the tears of so many unhappy persons, you will have to render an account to God-you, their governor, and not your wretched subjects, trodden under your feet. Their blood will be rained down upon your head; their sorrows, their tears, wil be judged of by that tribunal before which there come neither crowns, nor sceptres, nor tiaras-things which have mouldered in the grave-but where only is presented the naked human soul, with no safeguard against the sword of eternal justice, but the shield of its own innocence; where your deeds will be weighed in those incorruptible scales, in which the least of injuries done to the least of men, weighs heavier than all the thrones and all the sceptres of the universe.

Either all that you are teaching of the justice of God, and of his tremendous judgments in another life, is false: And, then my words are folly, and you will do ill to heed them: Or, what you are teaching is true, and you are persuaded of it, and you believe that God will one day require of you a reason for your works: I gave you a people, what have you done with them? And then, tell me, tell me by what name your actions must be then described! Tell me, what possible explanation can be rendered of the course you are pursuing: Tell me; for of myself can neither find one nor divine one. The powerful of the earth-the others, may laugh me to scorn as a declaimer. But though they may do so, you 21

VOL. LXXXVI. NO. CLXXIV.

dare not, you can not, without making yourself and your words, a lie.'— (Degli ultimi Casi di Romagna, 1845.)

Pius IX. was born at Sinigaglia, May 1792, of the family of Mastai. He was sent on a mission, many years ago, to Chili. From what we have heard of his musings with one of his colleagues, as they sate on deck, during the silent watches of the night, he can have wanted no other warning than his own enlightened conscience. now that the awful responsibility has been brought home to his own person. Vedremo grandi cose, propheised his colleague on his election. It may be a cruel alternative, which Metternich, and Metternich's abettors, set before him. But he must not quail. There are those who can only kill the body, and after that, have no more that they can do.' Be not afraid of them! While, upon all who are wicked enough to seek to swamp in blood the fruitful seeds of this great political (and, sooner or later, religious) reformation, we could almost call down the curse of Byron: The Huns are on the Po. The dogs! the wolves! may they perish like the host of Sennacherib! Let it be still a hope to see their bones piled like those of the human dogs at Morat in Switzerland, which I have seen.'-(Ravenna: 1821.)

The boldness with which, in treating of the last movement in Romagna, Azeglio rebuked one Pope, will relieve him of all suspicion of flattering another. For all that Pius IX. has accomplished during the first year of his pontificate, we can therefore safely refer our readers to Azeglio's recent appeal to Europe, on the present movement in Italy. That throne,' he declares, ' which tottered under his feet, when he ascended it, is now the firmest in Europe. The religious regeneration in the populace ' is most remarkable. We see them influenced by the great example of virtue and self-denial, presented to them by the Pontiff. Outbreaks of hatred are more and more rare. The thought ' of Pius IX. suffices to restore them to good feeling. Pius IX., who is ever to be found where there is a question of an evil to be banished, and a good to be obtained, represents the moral principle in its most heavenly form, on the Pontifical throne; and by his means we look for its entire restoration.'

When we hear that the Jews have started the inquiry (not very unlike their question in Oliver Cromwell's time) whether the reforming Pope might not be the Messiah ?-since his own Christian population have applied to their new sovereign the words of the Gospel, Fuit homo missus à Deo, cui nomen erat Johannes'—we may pardon Azeglio for welcoming in him, not only the political regenerator of his country, but the real Apostle of religious truth.'

6

ART. IX.-1. First, Second, and Third Reports from the Select Committee on Sites for Churches (Scotland); together with the Minutes of Evidence. Session 1847.

2. Etudes sur l'Economie Politique. Par J. C. L. SIMONDE De SISMONDI.

RI IGHTS of person, and rights of property, are the two great chapters of jurisprudence. The first of these is pretty well settled both what the law is, and what it ought to be. It is far otherwise with the second-especially in the case of real property or land: Witness the annual shelf of new decisions, which our courts of justice continue adding to a lawyer's library, and the embarrassment and uncertainty of Parliament in all legislative questions of this nature, owing partly to the difficulty, and partly to the danger attributed to such discussions. In the meantime, what has passed both in Parliament and elsewhere, concerning poor-laws, game-laws, tenant rights, and railroads, has lowered considerably the high prerogative notions about property, throughout every parish in the empire. A traditional respect for landed property, in its driest and sternest form, is still a striking characteristic of our people, as a body. This is a truth, notwithstanding which, it will not be the less imprudent in our great proprietors to defy too openly the ancient maxim, ' Summum jus summa injuria'-No injuries like those which are done under colour of extreme rights! It was unwise in Shylock to insist upon his pound of flesh.

Time and circumstances must be observed. The attempt to turn political franchises into vested rights, was one of the provocations which led to the Reform Bill. The attempt to make the cure of souls a matter of freehold and private patronage, ended, in Scotland, in the Free Church secession. The one or two cases, to which, by way of illustration and of warning, we shall now confine ourselves, relate chiefly to Scotland; but their principle is universal. The first to which we shall allude-the Highland clearings-we hope may now be pronounced historical. To the others, we think it important briefly to call immediate attention, before they acquire the authority of usage, and become intolerable ;—we mean the attempt made by some gentlemen to clear the country of a body whom they considered obnoxious seceders, by the refusal of sites for places of worship to the Free Church; and the denial of rights of way over desolate and uncultivated tracts of country.

We subscribe most gladly to every word that has been said on the great prosperity that has flowed from the Highland clearings; and we admit that, in general, they were executed

with humanity. A Highlander who had left his country thirty years ago, and made his fortune in Canada, would now scarcely recognise his native glen, if it lies in the midst of an improved district.' While the rest of Scotland has been creeping slowly and steadily onward, the passage from penury to affluence has here been made in one stride. He would find the sinewy, blackeyed children of the Gael, whom he left reclining, half-naked, in the sun, succeeded by stout, stiff, industrious men, in broadcloth coats and wide-brimmed hats, learned in the rotation of crops and the breeding of live stock. The old turf hovels, looking like gigantic fungi that had grown out of the filth by which they were surrounded, are replaced by neat stone houses, not unfrequently embowered in fruit trees. Handsome hotels, with civil waiters and carpeted saloons, are distributed still more abundantly than the grim, old, battered change-houses, which left on the wayfarer no other impression than that of a confused association of whisky, smoke, filth, uneatable viands, and drunken brawls. The old hill-road, strewn with boulders, larger even than those over which the Roman chariots rumbled on their celebrated itinera, is covered with pasture turf; and a metalled road, levelled by the highest engineering skill, supplies its place. At the ancient ferry, where the boatman could never be found, a majestic bridge spans the river. Old morasses are drained; the heather has given place to green grass; sheep are cropping the herbage, or high-fed cattle stalk lazily about; nay, the very outline of the hills is scarcely the same, so much does every thing bear the impress of enlightened enterprise. We need not quote statistical facts to prove to the reader the nature and extent of these wonderful alterations. If he desire to have a specific detail of them, he may find it in that invaluable digest of all that is topographically and agriculturally important in this portion of the empire, The New Statistical Account of Scotland.

Of the humanity, and even the self-sacrificing liberality, with which the operation was conducted throughout that wide Earldom which has been historically associated with the system-in whatever dust the turmoil of controversy may have once clouded the question, there can now be no doubt. Wherever else cruelty or selfishness may have shown themselves, the world is now possessed of full and conclusive evidence, that the Sutherland clearings were conducted with as much forbearance as intelligence.

Such is the preamble with which we introduce the opinion, that these Highland clearings must for ever stand a scandal to the laws, which, in the midst of a civilised country, left a large portion of the hereditary occupants of the soil with no better security for their holdings than the unhappy aborigines of North America or Australia. It matters not that the people were