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for a while to be the end of the revolution. But those who really knew the feelings of the re-enthroned Bourbons on the one hand, and of the great mass of the peopleon the other; those who reflected on the history of the first revolution, and recalled in their minds the manner in which its progress had been arrested and the objects of its first movers defeated; those who knew and felt that France had submitted to the despotism of Napoleon because France had been kept on the que vive by wars, conquests, treaties, and endless struggles for glory and extended territory; those who knew that thirty millions of peo ple were about to be governed by a family they and their ta. thers had spurned, and who now were replaced on the throne by the enemies of France, because France was fatigued by war and unable to resist; those who knew that France loathed receiving a charter as a gift from the Crown, when she claimed the right of governing herself; those who knew that France did not desire, nor intend to have re-established, the old system of court favors, patents, and privileges; all, in fact, who knew any thing about the real feelings of the French people, knew perfectly well that the charter was not the end of the revolution! When the Charter was given and accepted, it was both given and accepted Jesuitically. The King, when he gave it, reserved to his conscience the right of interpreting its clauses monarchically; and the people, when they accepted it, reserved to themselves the right of interpreting it Democrat. ically.

Thus the charter was given by Louis XVIII, and the Bour bons against their will, their prejudices and their convictions; and it was received merely as a stepping stone to greater benefits, or as a point from which the revolution might again commence. It must, however be admitted, that a great deal of by. pocracy has been manifested by both parties with respect to the Charter, ever since the period it was given to the present time. The Royalists have pretended to admire the charter; though in that small society where they have dared to speak

or.

what they have really felt, they have cursed both it and its giv

I have often myself heard some respectable old Royalists say. “What a beast, what a fool was Louis XVIII., to have given this charter!” The Liberals also have played a double game. In August, 1830, they overthrew the principles of the Charter; took away from it all that was really monarchical, and left untouched only those clauses which involved in them no great principles. For what they have done I not only do not blame, but I applaud them! but I blame them for having affected to feel a love and veneration for the charter as it was given by Louis XVIII, when those who have mixed with them know full well that they hate Ragusa, not so much for his having given up Paris to the Allies, as that in consequence of that capitulation, the French were in fact compelled to accept the Charter, at the points of foreign bayonets,

From 1814 to the return of Napoleon in 1815, there were constant discussions as to the charter. The liberty of the press, which was secured by that constitutional act, was immediately attacked, and the Censorship was established, by the giver of the charter. The Bourbon family always felt as if they returned as conquerorg--and that what they gave to France was of their own will and pleasure; and to the moment of this last abdication, neither Charles X, his son, or his daughter-in-law, were ever convinced that they could not have reigned an hour in France unless the charter had been given.

In 1815, Bonaparte returned to France. The charter was soon forgotten. The principles of the revolution soon displayod themselves, and a commission appointed by the Council of State, consecrated in terms the most energetic, the principle of the "sovreignty of the people!" France demanded of Napoleon guarantees! And he promised to give them. A few months of repose had brought France to her senses, and she was now returning to the revolution. For a moment, indeed, it was forgotten, when the Emperor marched at the head of a large army to oppose Europe, which was in arms against him.

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Napoleon was defeated-banished-and almost forgotton. The principles of the Revolution once more began to triumph, and the liberals formed themselves into clubs and associations, for the purpose of gradually attaining, by lawful means, & without violence, all the objects for which the first Revolutionists COR.. tended in the eighteenth century..

From 1815 to 1829 France enjoyed fourteen years of peace; and in that time a new generation of young men, all imbued with the love of liberty, and the principles of the early Revolutionists sprung up in the country.

These prir ciples had been confirmed and extended by the Revolutions iD-, Spain, Portugal, South America, and evidently by the triumph of Catholic Emancipation in Great Britain, and of the Flem mings in the Pays Bas. During this period of time, the Bourbons had lost their chief in the person of Louis XVIII, who, although to the last he retained that love of power which is inseparable from the Bourbons, yet had the sense to disguise the obnoxious drug, and adapted it as well as possible to the pa.. lates of his subjects. But even during his reign, there was neve er any thing like a frank and honorable understanding between the Prince and the people. Sometimes the Bourbons succeeded in their system, and sometimes their enemies.Sometimes at the eve of an election, the court appeared to yield, and the Liberals cried Vive le Roi! If the Chamber then returned was royalist, and a majority could be counted upon; then the old system of entailed estates,antique privileges, monopolies&c.was patronized, &the Bourbons hoped to return to the whole system of the French monarchy before the Revolution.” If, on the other hand, the elections were Liberal and the people were uppermost, then some trifling concessions were made, and promises were given in abundance and a new order of things seemed at hand. But when the people asked for the fulfilment of these promises, then the ministers were changed, or the chambers prorogued and dissolved, and new delays took place, and new systems were adopted. Thus, when Mi.

Villele was defeated in the Chamber of Peers, a batch of seventy-six was created in one day—and when so flagrant an act of injustice, both to the old Peers & to the Chamber of Deputies, was complained of, the Ministers and Royalists cried aloud, “But the Charter! It was in vain to speak of the principles of the charter—and of the absurdity of the translation or interpretation given to it by the Ultra faction. The answer was invariably this:-“Read the 27th article, you will find that the King is to name Peersand that the number is unlimited.”

It was in this way for fourteen years, France was tormented and harrassed, but all this time the revolution was advancing. At length came the fall of Villele—the law securing the liberty of the press and the moderate ministry. France was delighted, and the young men said, “This is our first victory.” For a few months the liberty of the press was enjoyed in the fullest extent; but once more the Bourbons repented of what they had done and said, “Let the press be free, but let the press

prosecuted.” From that moment the freedom of the press became nearly nominal. Hundreds of prosecutions were instituted-hundreds of editors fined or imprisoned; & tho they might write without submitting their writing to a previous censorship, yet after they were published, they were laid before the Procureur du Roi, and the smallest errors or deviations from the jog trot habits of thinking and writing of old hack writers, was prosecuted without delay, and punished with out mercy

The ministry of Martinac was opposed by the Liberals who did not see the revolution advance with sufficient rapidity;and by the Royalists who thought its march much too quick.-Neither party was satisfied, & then came the Polignac Administration.

Up to that moment the Bourbons had remained unchanged; no better proof of the truth of my statement can possibly be given than this that the moment the press was really free-the moment men could write freely on the political wants and feet

be

ings of France, and could point out the remedies for evils, and the ill conduct of those who governed: from that very moment the Court interfered-withdrew laws which it had proposed to the Chambers, conferring municipal privileges and ad. vantages on the departments and returned to men and measures wholly at variance with the Charter, with new regenerated France, with the principles of the Revolution, the opinions of the rising generation, the determinations, desires and habits of the people.

The French Revolution which had never terminated, now advanced with great rapidity,& the French Revolution of 1830 became inevitable. Your Obedient Servant, '0. P. Q.

CHAPTER XII.

TAKEN FROM THE PROPHECIES OF DANIEL. Immediately after the deluge, before mankind were scatter ed abroad upon the earth, the tyrant Nimrod set up idolatry misrule and oppression, even while Noah, his grand-father was yet living; and regardless of the awful & overwhelming judge ment of a holy and righteous God, upon the whole antideluvian world, with so few exceptions; he undertook to enslave the whole human race, monpolizing all the land, and all the labor of the people and cattle, whom he looked upon as alike, convenient only as they would conduce to the gratification of his avarice and ambition;—for he feared not God nor regarded

man.

And when men were spread abroad upon the earth, after the confusion of tongues, they were but so many colonies from the seat of misrule, oppression and wickedness, carrying with them wherever they were located, all the bad customs and manners first instituted in that city of confusion, despotism, oppression, idolatry, wickedness and sin. Every city had its king, and its idolatrous priests, false prophets and astrologers, sooth-sayers and magicians; and all without exception looking up to the mother city, as a model of all perfection in every

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