greek inscription. The pedestal was found, with one of the statues, on the banks of the lake Temruck; the other statue was found in the lake itself. The heads of the two statues are wanting. The inscription on the pedestal informs us, that "this monument has been erected "by Comasarye daughter of Gorsippus " and wife of Parisades, in honour of "the gods Auerges and Astara, in the "time that Parisades was master of the "Bosphorus and of Theodosia, &c." This Parisades, according to our author, rei ed from the year 349 to the year 3180before Christ.

Mr. Kohler has found several inscriptions, the text of which he has annexed, with his observations, to his dissertation. The engraving which accompanies this pamphlet, exhibits three unknown coins of Theodosia and Gorgippus.

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Statistischer Umriss der Saemtlichen Europaeischen Staaten. Statistic view of all the States of Europe, considered as to their extent, population, produc.. tions, commerce, finances, military constitution, and possessions in other parts of the Globe, by G. Hassel, vol. I. divisions 1st and 2d: 35 and 42 sheets in folio. Brunswick. Vieweg. 4 rxd. 8 gr.

This is one of the best works of the kind which has been published these ten years The author begins by a general statistical survey of Europe; which he divides into four principal parts. The first includes Middle Europe, that is, the Austrian empire, the Prussian monarchy, the empire of Germany, and the free states of Ragusa and Pogliza. The second part, called Northern and Eastern Europe, includes Russia, the Ottoman empire, Sweden, Denmark, and the Ionic republic. The third, or Western and Southern Europe, includes France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Holland, and Switzerland. The fourth, under the name of Insular Europe, includes Great Britain, Sardinia, and Malta.

These two divisions of the work contain, besides this general survey of Europe, a' summary view of that branch of modern literature which embraces the statistics of Europe in general; also a peculiar statistical account of Middle Europe. Under the head of the Austrian monarchy, the author treats first, of the progressive aggrandisement of that em

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pire; afterwards of the several countries which compose it; their physical state, and their population, which he estimates (after the peace of Luneville) at five-andtwenty millions. The extent of the Austrian possessions, at the same epocha he computes at 11,075 square German miles the revenue at 120 millions of florins. Speaking of the military constitution, the author points out only the increase of the army since the thirty-years war; it was then composed of 150,000 mea, and in the year 1800, it amounted to 495,000. To this article of Austria, is joined a statistical table of the hereditary countries, according to their divisions, sub-divisions, extent, population, productions, &c. On these various details, the author has consulted the excellent works of MM. Lichtenstern, Rohrer, Demyon, and others.

The same arrangement has been followed in the statistical account of Prussia. Its extent is estimated at 5,646 square miles its population at 9,856,000 souls; its revenues at 40 millions of crowns; and its expenses at 35 or 37 millions. The army is composed of 240,000 men. The works consulted for this article, were those of Krug, and of Kuster.

The second division contains the statis< tical account of,

1. The electorate countries; that is to say; 1st, the electorate of the ArchChancellor; its extent, 25 square miles; its revenue, 6 or 700,000 florins; 2d, the electorate of Bavaria, before the treaty of Presburgh; revenue, 13 millions of florins; debts of the state, 60 millions: 3d, The electorate of Saxony: 4th, the electorate of Brunswick; the produce of its mines is valued at 350,000 crowns: 5th, that of Saltzburgh: 6th, that of Wurtemburg: 7th, that of Baden: 8th, that of Hesse,

II. Countries belonging to Princes; among whom, those of Nassau-Dien, and Nassau-Orange.

III. Countries belonging to Counts and Barons of the empire; as Bentheim, Lippe, Schauenburgh, Fugger, Reuss, and Stolberg.

IV. Countries belonging to the Equestrian Order. Extent, after the peace of Luneville, 92 square miles; population, 20,300; revenue, 2,160,000 florins.

V. Free imperial cities: as Nuremberg, Frankfort, Bremen, Hamburgh, and Lubec.

The statistical accounts of the republics of Ragusa, and Pogliza terminates this second division. The last, whose chief town is Pierun Dubrava, is under the protection of Austria; its extent is only nine square miles; and its population, 20,000 inhabitants. The territory of Ragusa, is supposed to be 39 square miles; its population, 56,000 souls; and its revenue, 100,000 ducats, or 300,000 sequins.

Recherches sur la Force de l'Armée Françoise, &c. Researches on the Strength of the French Army, and the Basis on which it ought to be established according to Circumstances, &c. from Henry IV. to 1805. 1 vol. 8vo. 4 fr. 50c. fine pap. 8 fr. Treuttel & Wurtz, Paris 1806.

As this work is certainly authentic, and shews the policy of this insidious power, we shall submit an abstract of it to our readers. It presents very important results little if at all known, but of great utility as an introduction to the history of the French wars since Henry IV. The labour required for the compilation of this work has been very great, and the whole is contracted within the narrowest limits.

These researches are intended to form an introduction to a proposed work intituled, A Journal of the first Campaigns of the Revolution, which will be accompanied by a Military Atlas, or collection of Maps and Plans intended to facilitate the study of military operations.

It appears from this work, that at the commencement of a war against the Duke of Savoy, which was successfully terminated in three months, Henry IV. had only a disposeable force of 6 or 7000 infantry, 6 pieces of artillery, and 1500 cavalry. From 1600 to 1609, this was his ordinary establishment. To attack the House of Austria, this prince deemed it sufficient, to raise a force of 50,000 men, infantry and cavalry including his allies,

Under Louis XIII. the military force was excessively augmented: he had on foot at the same time, five armies amounting in the whole to nearly 100,000 men, including 18,000 cavalry; so that in the war department in 1640 was sunk the sum of 85,559,200 francs, currency of 1805.

In 1670 Louis XIV. intending the conquest of Holland, augmented his troops to 176,097 men. The opponents of France increased the number of their troops in order to counterpoise this force; and Louis was not able in the war of the Succession to make head against 39,223 men. In this number, the troops which Philip V. of Spain might be able to bring in addition to the power of the allies is not included. From a niemorial pre

sented to Louis XVI. in 1774 by the Mare chal de Muy, it appears that from 1650 to 1789, upwards of 130 years, the peace esta→ blishment of the French army had not varied more than about 35,000 men. In 1789 the war expenses amounted to 96,895,645 francs.

In the war of the revolution, in July, 1791, an endeavour was made to raise immediately 243,000 men, and afterwards to complete them to 310,000. By a series of prodigious efforts the force was augmented to 747,545 soldiers, who had joined their colours, and 1,169,144 effective. To understand this distinction, it must be noticed that by effective, is meant all receiving pay, as though they were with the army. We may judge of the disorder and mal-administration of the military affairs by comparing the number of those who received pay, and those who had really joined their respective regiments. From the 23d Sept. 1799 to 22d Sept. 1800, the French army in Europe did not exceed 400,000, which number, however, was found sufficient successfully to resist the efforts of the powers combined against France.

In 1802 the French army amounted to 327,751 infantry, and 72,564 cavalry, incluing the gens d'armes, and 15,000 veterans; total 415,315. At the end of 1804 it consist ed of 440, 125, of which the gens d'armes, veterans, veteran cannoniers, and fencibles, formed 42,305; these latter classes not being disposeable, the number left for actual service was 397,820, to which force was intrusted the defence of the French frontier, and the garrisoning of various fortified places from the Texel, to the extremity of the Kingdom of Naples; but the author thinks that this force would not be sufficient to carry on a war of this extent, he calculates that an addition of at least 150,000 men would be necessary. The expense is estimated at 336,701,750 francs. Two tables are added to this work, one, of the intrinsic value of the pay of the French infantry and cavalry from 1600 to 1805; the other of the war expenses from 1684 to 1718: these tables add considerably to the value of this work. It appears that in the reign of Henry IV. Louis XIII. and the beginning of Louis XIV. the expense of a foot soldier amounted annually to 120 livres only, including his food and maintenance; and even of this sum, the officer through whose hands it passed found means to retain a part, as his perquisite. The expenses of a horseman and his horse, were much more considerable, and amounted to 600 livres but the cavalry was not numerous, and was chiefly composed of gentlemen who depended on this species of service for support. As the number augmented, the pay diminished, till. excluding the expense of the horse, it only exceeded by one sous per diem, the pay of the infantry.

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DIDASCALIA.

DIDASCALIA were, properly speaking, records of those dramatic performances which were represented at Athens. They were composed and published periodically. Aristotle is understood to be the inventor of them. They were inscribed on marble or brass, and intended to inform contemporaries, and posterity, of those pieces that had appeared, whether tragedies or comedies, with their dates; and the controversial opinions, especially those committed to writing, to which they gave occasion, and in which the merits or defects of their composition were canvassed. They contained, moreover, the names of the poets who wrote them: distinguishing those which were crowned: the names of the Archons who had presided at their representations; and at what seasons of the year, or on what solemnities. Two fragments of marble, at Rome, contain the only traces of these Didascalia.

It may well be believed that if an assemblage of these curious records were discoverca, it would be deemed uncommonly interesting; but, that being hopeless, we shall adopt so much of the principles on which these ancient records were composed, as may justify our assumption of the title for a department in our work. We mean not to record only, but to examine what novelties our theatre produces, and to revive, if it be possible, those true principles of criticism, which may usefully direct writers who engage in this department of literature.

Criticism, deserving of the name, is equally removed from the mere blandishments of friendship, or the prejudices of favouritism, and from the acrimonious rebukes of illnature, or the sullen dogmas of would-be precision. Whoever ventures his labours on the stage is entitled to the praise of boldness, at least, and to every allowance which candour can justly make in his favour. The attempt itself is arduous: the chances against success, however a piece may deserve it, are so numerous, there are so many interests to be consulted, and so many persons to be propitiated, before it comes to the public, that when it is at length on its trial, a predilection in its favour is the pardonable bias of

criticism.

On the other hand, there are so many false dependences to which writers have recourse, they adopt so many illegitimate pretensions, deserving no better name than that of subterfuges, that it is proper a little didascalian discrimination should recall the drama to reason, and common sense, and shew that its prosperity is in its nature inseparable from true excellence, genuine patriotisin, and sound morals.

The public has been sickened with sentimental robbers, and compassionate bloody

murderers: nor will the finest moonlights, and the most enchanting scenery, deliver an audience from its disposition to yawn, when the long soliloquy drawls out the praise of virtue and virtuous deeds, by a banditto waiting for his prey, and ready to leap on the unwary traveller, whom he sees advancing to meet his fate. Hitherto the season has produced nothing new. We have therefore only to hint very briefly at

THE OPERA.

Bonaparte has suffered Madame Catalini to quit Paris and visit London; but he has very wisely pensioned her, publicly to the amount of 1200 livres, but how much more, in any other form, we do not hear. This retaining fee is however not unworthy his policy, as a proper recollection of it will not be unworthy ours. If we may judge of the merits of this cantatrice by her success at Paris, they are of the very first order; insomuch, that at an extraordinary concert given by her, before her departure, the first places were 26 shillings, the lowest 10 shillings.

The Opera has also engaged Cherubini, not the celebrated composer of that name, but a singer of merit, we apprehend, in the comic line. As dancers, M. and Mde. Deshayes are re-engaged for three years and a permanent engagement is contracted with the balletmaster, M. Rossi.

DRURY LANE THEATRE

Has introduced a new performer in the cha racter of Jaques in As you like it. We advise Mr. Eyre to try a less arduous task, and "by gradation rise."

Mrs. Forbes, from the Dublin Theatre, has appeared in Albina in the Will. She evinced considerable vivacity and ease; with tlents likely to be serviceable.

COVENT GARDEN THEATRE.

We have noticed with pleasure the attention that has been paid to our immortal bard. Henry the Eighth is a splendid instance, and much praise certainly is due to Mr. Kemble. Mr. Melvin from York has made his debut in the character of Walter in The Children in the Wood. His principal faults are too much extravagance, and too little attention to nature. He is capable of becoming a useful performer.

The Beggar's Opera has been selected to display Miss Bolton's powers, which are of a superior kind; she indeed promises to be an acquisition to the vocal department. But could no other play have been found suited to her abilities? Was it necessary to introduce her to the town, via Newgate? or have the managers forgot Sir John Fielding's remarks on this Opera:* We also recommend to

The late Sir John Fielding, once told Hugh Kelly, on a successful run of the Beggar's Opera, "that he expected a fresh cargo of highwayinen, in consequence, at his

STATE OF POLITICS.

In the course of a very few weeks, the political face of Europe has undergone no inconsiderable change, but though we may cast a glance of exultation to the coasts of Calabria, and from the remembrance of former connections may regard with some sentiments of pity, the degraded and impoverished state of Holland; the attention of every man must be influenced by other considerations, and fixed to that spot, which contains the armies of Prussia and France.

It appears by the latest accounts from the Continent, that hostilities have actually commenced; and though, in nothing more than a rencontre of advanced posts, the advantage was on the side of the Prussians. Thus are we placed on the verge of great events; perhaps, taken in all their consequences, of such as may be ranked among the most important that have ever inspired the hopes or alarmed the fears of mankind. Prussia has, at length been compelled to pursue that system, which, if it had been last year adopted, her existence would not now have been menaced, and she might have been contemplating the repose of Europe, in the attainment and possession of which universal blessing, she would have had so large a share. Without venturing to of an opinion as to the result of the present conflict, we must look forward to the witnessing such a scene of carnage and of horror, which has seldom, if ever, encrimsoned those plains, that have so often smoked with the blood of victims offered to sanguinary Mars. We may, however, venture to assert, as some encouragement to our hopes, that the Prussian army in point of numbers, discipline and spirit is equal to its work. It is commanded by generals, whose spirit, skill and experience are known and approved, and whose fidelity is beyond all challenge. The King is with his army to animate it by his

presence, and his example. Nor is this all the most enthusiastic patriotism prevails among all ranks, and in every part of the Prussian dominions: the hatred of the French is as universal as it is violent, and every man's ardour to engage in the contest, is sharp as the sword which must conduct him through it. Such is the commencement of this important war, undertaken by Prussia and her allies, among whom the Emperor of Russia is understood to stand conspicuously forward, for no less an object than the peace of Europe. Quod felix, faustumque sit, must be the ardent wish of every one who is interested in the happiness of the civilized world.

But the hostilities between Prussia and France, do not alone excite the attention of Europe; the late negociation for peace between Great Britain and France has shared in its regards and expectations. We are now, indeed, perfectly qualified to judge of these weighty matters, by the Declaration of his Britannic Majesty, and the Manifesto of the King of Prussia which have just appeared: two state papers of extraordinary interest and importance.

His Majesty's Declaration must be highly satisfactory to every part of the empire, as. containing a most able, vigorous, and convincing statement of the late negociation. Throughout the whole of it, the governments of the two countries appear in their respective characters. The high political virtues of England, and the low political vices or France, appear strongly contrasted with each other. The suspicion, which seemed to haunt the minds of many, that the present ministers in their eagerness for peace, had compromised the honour and native spirit of the people, is peremptorily removed, and the whole transaction may now be considered by the most jealous Englishman with satisfaction and

confidence.

As we give the original document entire, we shall submit the effect which it must produce on our readers, to their own reflections: the good sense of the British nation needs no assistance on such a paper.

When the correspondence which passed between the two governments shall be published; we may know more of the detail, but we shall not be better acquainted, than we now are, with the constituent parts of the negociation. We may then be informed of the reasons which actuated the British government to continue their communications, so long after it must have been convinced, that Buonaparte never entertained the desire of making peace but upon conditions, not only dishonourable to the character, but destructive of the prosperity of the British nation; and that the negociation was proposed merely as a ruse de guerre, to delude the con tinental powers.

The King of Prussia's Manifesto describes in a most impressive manner, and at great length, the whole revolutionary period and its aggressions, down to the present state of Buonaparte's enormous power. It appears from this paper, that his Prussian Majesty discovered soon after the peace of Presburgh, what Europe had long perceived, the error of his conduct It is acknowledged also, that when Prussia submitted, as it has done, to the influence of France, it was not in a state to resist. With respect to Hanover, it may be seen, that when the Prussian government took possession of that country, it was merely provisional, in order to prevent the French from occupying it. But as it was the object of Buonaparte to embroil Prussia with England he soon induced the former to assume the sovereignty of the electorate. Nevertheless, incredible as it might appear, if there were anything however atrocious of which Buonaparte is not capable, the restoration of Hanover was an actual and primary condition associated with the proposition made by the Corsican to enter upon a negociation for peace. In short, from her own statement there appears to be no other redemption for Prussia, but by a war with France, and may Heaven grant, in mercy to the world, that she may be redeemed, and effect, by her successes, the peace and salvation of Europe.

DECLARATION OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY.

[From the London Gazette, October 21, 1806.]

The negociations in which His Majesty has been engaged with France having terminated unsuccessfully, His Majesty thinks proper to make this public declaration to his subjects and to Europe, of the circumstances which have led to an issue which His Majesty deeply regrets. He has no object nearer to his heart than the conclusion of a secure and permanent peace. He laments the continuance of a war affecting the happiness of so many nations, and which, even amidst all the successes that attend his arms, is so burthensome to his faithful and affectionate people. But he is confident that there can arise on this occasion no other sentiment, either in his own dominions, or in any part of Europe, than that of an increased conviction that the restoration of general tranquillity is retarded only by the injustice and ambition of the enemy.

The French government, unsatisfied with its immense acquisitions on the continent, still openly perseveres in a system destructive of the independence of every other power. War is pursued, not for security, but for conquest; and negociations for peace appear to be entered into for no other object than that of deluding the neighbouring powers into a state of false security, while France is

herself preparing, arranging, and executing her unremitted projects of incroachment and aggression.

Her conduct in the recent discussions has afforded but too many proofs of this disposition.

The negociation originated in an offer made by the French government of treating for peace on the basis of actual possession, which was stated to admit of mutual compensation, and a distinct assurance was added, that His Majesty's German dominions, which had been attacked without even the pretence of any cause of hostility, should be restored.

Such a proposal appeared to His Majesty to afford a just foundation for negociating; it was therefore accepted, with this reserve, that the negociation should be conducted by Ais Majesty in concert with his allies.

No sooner had this basis been mutually admitted, than it was departed from by the enemy, and that too in points of so great importanee as to call for an immediate declaration on the part of His Majesty, that unless the principle proposed by France herself were adhered to, the communications which had been opened between the two governments must at once be closed.

This produced new professions of the disposition of France to make considerable sacrifices for the attainment of peace, if the discussions were suffered to proceed; at the same time that a difficulty was started on account of the want of full powers in the person intrusted by His Majesty with this communication. Steps were thereupon taken by His Majesty for opening a regular negociation by ministers duly authorized, in order to ascertain, in a manner the most satisfactory and authentic, whether peace could be obtained on terms honorable to the king and his allies, and consistent with the general security of Europe.

During these proceedings, a minister sent by the Emperor of Russia to treat for the same important object, in concert with His Majesty's government, was induced by the artifices of the enemy to sign a separate treaty, on terms equally repugnant to the honour and interests of His Imperial Majesty.

Unmoved by this unexpected event, the King continued to negociate precisely on the same principles as before, He relied, with confidence, which experience has amply justified, on the good faith and steadiness of an ally, in concert with whom he had begun to treat, and whose interests he had maintained throughout with the same firmness as his

own.

The French government, on the contrary, elated by this advantage, of which it boasted as equal in importance to the most decisive victory, departed in every conference more