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Lord Valentia's Return from his Scientific Voyage to India, the Red Sea, &c. and Mr. Salt from Abyssinia.

Lord Viscount Valentia has recently arrived in London on his return from India, by the way of Suez, with his secretary Mr. Salt, after nearly five years absence from England in various parts of India.

His Lordship made some months stay on the coast of the Red Sea, and parts adjacent, and has made some valuable charts of those different places. His Lordship had by order of the government of India the Panther, Company's cruiser, captain Court, to assist him. Mr. Salt made an excursion into Abyssinia with Major Arundel of the Honourable Company's service, as far as the capital, Gondar. Lord Valentia's state of health at that period, would not permit him to accompany Mr. Salt. The Public will be gratified by much valuable information collected by his lordship during this long, laborious, and laudable research. A young Abyssinian prince is in his lordship's suite, who is a near relation of Negade Ras Mahomet, one of the principal officers of state, so often mentioned by Mr. Bruce in his travels, as being his friend. This young prince appears to be possessed of great natural endowments, and is anxious to become acquainted with the manners and customs of Great Britain.

Calorifere, Properties of a Good Stove. Many attempts have been made, with alternate success and disappointment, to improve the means of varying the temperature of the atmosphere in our houses; and it is well known, that the rousing English fire is the common topic of ridicule and contempt among our northern neighbours, who prefer the stove to the broad chimney, and glowing combustibles, so indicative of British hospitality. It must be confessed that our partial adherence to ancient custom, in preference to modern ingenuity, is not always justifiable. The Swedes were the first who discovered (in 1766) the method of animating the flame by concealed tubes, which gave also the additional advantage of conveying away the noxious vapour with which all materials for domestic burning are impregnated. But whatever may be the objections to which that contrivance is liable, they have been all obviated by the discovery of a person of the name of Oliver, whose invention has been laid before the national institute of Paris by Mr. Guyton.

This Calorifere (such is the name it has re ceived) possesses the following recommendati

ons:

ist. The tube of the chimney is reducible to so small a size, that the escape of the sinoke into the apartment is impossible.

ed. The apparatus burns the combustibles

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Polyantography. Impressions from stone.

Among the patents lately obtained is one for a very important art called Polyantography, or the art of taking impressions from drawings made on a stone, without any engraving. It appears from the specification, that the drawings may be made with a pen and a particular kind of ink, and with chalk prepared for the purpose, with the same facility and freedom as on paper. By a simple chemical process the drawing is rendered capable of yielding a greater number of impressions than any copper-plate; and these impressions must necessarily be fac-similes of the original drawings. A specimen of the engravings has арpeared; and several artists in London are employed in continuing the work.

Artemisia Absinthium used as Hops.

In some parts of the kingdom, where the artemisia absinthium grows in abundance, it is used instead of hops, having the peculiar quality of destroying acescency in beer grown hard for want of them.-The leaves of the same plant, steeped in boiling water and repeatedly applied to a recent bruize, removes the pain, and prevents the discolouration of the part.

Effects of Sea Salt as Manure.

Mr. Arthur Young, the father of the agricultural science in England, after many experiments and observations on the subject, affirms, that sea-salt acts as a very powerful manure, especially when added to dung. He says also, that very considerable benefit has been found from the application of sca-water to vegetables; and that when mixed with dung, or compost dunghills, it possesses a septic power that promotes putrefaction.

POLITICAL PERISCOPE. MANY and dissimilar are the emotions of mind, which occupy a calm and dispassionate temper, when reflecting on the state of public affairs, as they concern our own country, or the world, at large. We see on one hand our enemy prospered in his undertakings hiherto, after a manner entirely unprecedented: yet we see ourselves, the chief object of his rancour, no less wonderfully preserved from the consequences of his fury.

We see

powers, formerly thought of the first magnitude, and whose very note of preparation," was dreaded by their neighbours, annihilated, as it were, in a moment; yet Britain after a long period of combat, becomes rather inured to war, and this island, to which her opponents with reluctance ascribe the dignity of a power of the second rank, maintains the conflict against that colossal augmentation of strength, which subjugates Europe. We see the comforts of life, snatched from the lips of many thousands of subjects to states not long since independent and powerful; yet no sense of want has prevailed in this country, though long acknowleded to be unable to supply her own necessities. We see our enemy panting after the acquisition of SHIPS, COLONIES, and COMMERCE, led by every acquisition further off from obtaining them, directing all his efforts to quarters where those objects are not to be procured; while Britain is almost glutted with distant possessions, and her very acquisitions are beheld with sentiments not absolutely the offspring of complacency. If we consider the different employments of the population, appertaining to the contending powers, one is drawn off for military services, to contract habits of life utterly unprofitable to the nation, in future years, even if permitted to return in safety home: the other is either following its customary occupation on land, or, employed in marine adventures, is acquiring that knowledge which will render the individual useful, and be the means of his maintenance after his immediate engagements are expired. What will Buonaparté do with his soldiers after he has accomplished his perposes by their means? Disband them. Will their military hnowledge become their future support? No. They will be the worse husbandmen, artisans, artists, mechanics; they have every atom of such professions to learn, and not a single rudiment of either, can have been taught them. Will the sailors of Britain be at a loss for employment when peace permits them to be discharged from theirships? No: they will only change their employers, and after a short interval, will navigate merchant vessels, instead of men of war. They will still man our ships, still trade to our colonies, still convey our commerce; and thus VOL. I. [Lit. Pan, Jan. 1807]

the essential strength of this nation, its population, will be preserved to it, unbroken, and almost undiminished, till the course of nature removes our gallant seamen, as it removes all mankind, to the land of perpetual repose.

But, without presuming to anticipate the ter mination of the contest, our attention is sufficiently attracted by the occurrences of the moment. If we divide these into foreign, and domestic, we shall find in either division sufficient matter for serious reflection.

Buonaparte tells the world, that he has annihilated the power of Prussia: there is no relying on French representations; but, supposing it to be so, how far does the fact affect Great Britain? In a political view; not far. Because, 1. Prussia, from its situation, never was a power on which we placed a principal reliance. 2. It has of late years been a power on which we placed no reliance. 3. It was at the time of commencing its war with France, in a state of eamity against us: of course reliance of any kind for services was out of the question. If we had not influence enough on her councils to preserve her amity; if we harboured well founded distrust rather than confidence; if her promises, her conventions, her treaties, her engagements, could not hold her, what injury do we sustain in her loss? However, destructive to herself, however calamitous to Europe, her present fate may be, the event was long anticipated by those among us who could combine effects with their causes. What we actually behold, hardly reaches the full extent of what many a mind had confidently expected. There is another consideration distinct, yet connected with this subject. The suddenness of the Prussian overthrow is of the utmost advantage to Britain. It has suffered us to entertain no false hopes; we have not bee amused by alternate success and defeat; we have not been induced to send men, or money, to form subsidiary treaties, to liger out our expectations. We are so far, whole and unbroken; our army is no. diminished by a single batallion; our treasury is not drained of a single guinea. The enemy follows his course eastward, and even his growls are heard at still further and further distances. The voice of this Providence cannot be mistaken, "Britain look to yourself: depend on yourself: employ your own means: advert to your own experience: exercise your own sagacity and build no trust on assistance procurable from others. Banish fear, falsehood, and faction. Rouse every energy; improve the interval allotted you; while you hope the best, prepare for the worst: and having long boasted of your freedom, and vaunted of what freemen can do, justify those boasts by your readiness and alacrity; meet events with promptitude, and sustain them with

constancy."

2

The British nation has for ages been exempt from actual suffering: we have no fear but it would meet an enemy with firmness; yet we confess our apprehensions that reverses might put to the test that national endurance which is no less necessary than courage and vigour. We strongly advise our countrymen to demonstrate to the worid, that they can support privations, when necessary, equally as firmly as they can meet a charge. Little need be said on the other nations of the Continent: Russia and Sweden are our allies: the first is mighty, but her might is local, and she may have enough to do to de fend herself. The latter is willing, but weak. Nature has placed bounds to the exertions of Sweden, which no wise monarch will attempt to overpass. Denmark holds a precarious existence. The Germanic powers are in distress: the honest among them in grief, the traitors, at present triumphant. Austria is half alarmed, half expectant. That the disasters of Prussia yield it any gratification, it would be ungenerous to suppose, but if events might favour the wishes of Austria, could politicians wonder at her taking advantage of those events? Holland and Spain are provinces of France: their colonies are, therefore, exposed to the power of Britain. They are useful lessons of the consequences of admitting French principles and pretensious, in the first instance: for,-had these states uniformly repelled them!—Italy is

ench; but of no great advantage to France. Turkey is an anomalous government, and vib.ates between the alternately prevailing fears of offending Russia and disobliging France. The Sultan weeps over present weaknesses; and reads in the book of fate, events much more desolating and disastrous.

The domestic situation of Britain, calls aloud for thankfulness: HITHERTO UNVANQUISHED is the motto which should be inscribed on the shield of Britannia. We shall not so får flatter our country as to boast of resources unbroken, blow's unfelt, injuries of which we are not sensible, and the calamities of war supported without inconvenience. We know, that great difficulties always attend a state of warfare. Our very victories cost us dear; our exertions occupy our strength: our attempts are attended with hazard. It always was so; always will be so. Our principal danger, however, does not arise from our enemies, overtly, but covertly: not directly but indirectly. Our governors may be urged, by the pressure of the moment to a false step: that false step may produce consequences felt when the pressure is forgot. If we disgust our population, that disgust may re.main, long after the occasion: if we drain too closely the springs of individual prosperity, will not individuals complain? and with reason, since the sum of individual prosper

:

ity is the amount of the prosperity of the nation. Happily, Britain enjoys internal peace. We are not aware of any rankling faction, the numbers of which are considerable still less are they formidable. If there be any direct conmunication between our enemy and internal traitors, it is extremely feeble, and confined that such a thing may be, we know, because such things have been : but the mass of the public has little of that leaven in it. Difference of opinion on political matters, openly avowed, never is dangerous. When John Bull speaks out, he never intends mischief. He wisely compares his present situation with that of his continental neighbours: he knows that the Victor has adopted as his motto, "Woe to the vanquished: and he endures, not without anxiety, yet still he endures, with a dignified satisfaction, those evils which he feels conscious that they are much lighter than his adversary would rejoice to inflict.

We should be glad if we could say what our wishes dictate respecting Ireland: that part of our empire is valuable but vulnerable; we doubt whether its true value has hitherto been understood. A wise policy is necessary to bring up that country to its level.

Our colonies in North America, suffer as little by the war, as may be supposed. Those in the West Indies, have always been esteemed hazardous: and difficulties attend every step which can be taken with respect to them. To hear some people talk, it might be supposed they were within a hair's breadth of ruin; yet others maintain that they are prosperous. The truth, as usual, lies between these extremes. In all wars they have experienced privations: why not then in the present war? We are convinced that delicate management is requisite on their behalf: but this we trust they will receive.

India we hope will recover from its late distractions that this part of the globe may enjoy peace, is our sincere desire: should fresh wounds be inflicted before the old are healed, we fear for the constitution and strength of the patient. It is true that embarassment is not desperation; perplexity is very consistent with the most solid grounds of highly favourable results: yet speaking of present facts, we rest our hopes on the continuance of Indian tranquillity, that may give time to an enlightened government, to adopt such measures as may place India in an elevation at once honourable and advantageous, both to itself and to the empire at large.

We say nothing on our minor settlements, because the purpose of this article is only to revive in the reader's mind the recollection of those more important interests which are likely to come under discussion in the ensuing session of parliament. A hint is all we can allow for each; bat more detailed accounts

of every colony without exception, either have been, or will be, given, in our work. We presume to say, that our numbers will present, as fast as they arrive, more particulars of local information, than have hitherto been presented to the public. The result of the whole is, that the situation of Europe is deplorable: but the real condition of the all-grasping tyrant of our day is very suspicious: he follows his fortune, not his reason, or his judgment: he is raised up, to punish Europe for its crimes: he is the minister of vengeance: he strikes as commissioned; when the measure of punishment is complete, when those who have transgressed have suffered, each in turn, then shall this tempest be dispersed, the clouds be scattered, and tranquillity resume its dominion among the

sons of men.

And this is a cheerful view of the subject: if indeed blind chance governed the affairs of men, or if human violence could effect all

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My Lords and Gentlemen,-His Majesty has commanded us to assure you, that der which you are now assembled, it is a great

in

the difficult and arduous circumstances un

satisfaction to him to recur to the firmness
and wisdom of his Parliament, after so re-
his people.
cent an opportunity of collecting the sense of

have been exchanged in the course of the late
His Majesty has ordersd the papers which
negociation with France, to be laid before
for the restoration of general tranquillity, on
you. His Majesty has employed every effort
terms consistent with the interest and honour
of his people, and with that inviolable good
duct of this country has always been distin-
faith towards his allies, by which the con-
guished.

the

its desires, there would then be little to sup-my disappointed these endeavours, and in the "The ambition and injustice of the ene port the hopes of humanity: we should see same moment kindled a fresh war in Europe, cruelty perpetuated: ambition radically established, hypocrisy permanently successful; the most calamitous events. progress of which has been attended with and atheism completely triumphant. But we cheer ourselves in the confidence that providence, who has hitherto averted from this

Per

island, by means not within our contemplation, the execution of those threats which have been vented against us, will still be our protector: and, directing the storm to other climes, will turn away its rage from us. fectly agreeable to this suggestion is a remark which we wish to submit before we conclude. It appears that Prussia waged war against France, ex mero motu, perfectly unsolicited by us: we had not even an agent at her .court. Whatever this was to her, it was protection to us: if Bonaparte really was, as he said, ready to invade us, yet felt himself forced to employ his armies elsewhere, with-out any interference of Britain, what is this, but an interposition of Providence, which it becomes Britain to improve with alacrity and gratitude? We close, by hinting, that those states which have hitherto suffered

ancient constitution of Germany, and the "After witnessing the subversion of the subjugation of a large proportion of its most considerable states; Prussia found herself still more nearly threatened by that danger, which she had vainly hoped to avert by so many sacrifices. She was therefore at length com

pelled to adopt the resolution of openly re-
sisting this unremitted system of aggrandize-
ment and conquest. But neither this determi
nation, nor the succeeding measures, were
previously concerted with His Majesty; nor

had
any disposition been shewn to offer any
adequate satisfaction for those aggressions which
had placed the two countries in a state of mu
tual hostility.

"Yet, in this situation, His Majesty did not hesitate to adopt, without delay, such measures as were best calculated to unite their councils and interests, against the common enemy. The rapid course of the calamities which ensued, opposed insurmountable diffi

most severely by late calamities, are those
where the most general reception had been gi-culties to the execution of this purpose.
ven to the principles of Voltaire. They had un-
doubtedly a tendency to destroy the very
foundations of morality, patriotism, and civi-
lized society: whether providence has merely
suffered these principles to issue in what is
their natural effect, or has directed punish-
ment to follow wherever these principles had
preceded, is a question, the discussion of
which will notat this time be expected from us.
In the House of Commons Mr. Abbott was
te elected Speaker; but, the Parliament was,
properly speaking, opened Dec. 19, by the fol-
lowing speech on the part of the crown; it was
delivered by commissioners of whom the Lord

"In the midst of these disastrous events, and under the most trying circumstances, the good faith of His Majesty's allies has remained unshaken The conduct of the King of Sweden has been distinguished by the most honourable firmness. Between His Majesty and the Emperor of Russia, the happiest union subsists; it has been cemented by reciprocal proofs of good faith and confidence; and His Majesty doubts not that you will participate in his anxiety to cultivate and confirm an alliance which affords the only remaining hope of safety for the continent of Europe.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, His Majesty looks with confidence to your assistance in those exertions which the honour and independence of your country demand. The necessity of adding to the public burthens will be painful to your feelings, and is deeply distressing to His Majesty. In considering the estimates for the various branches of the public service, you will best consult His Majesty's wishes, by combining all practicable economy with those efforts which it is necessary to make against the formidable and increasing power of the enemy.

My Lords and Gentlemen,-The long series of misfortune which has afflicted the continent of Europe, could not fail to affect, in some degree, many important interests of this country. But, under every successive difficulty, His Majesty has had the satisfaction of witnessing an increasing energy and firniness on the part of his people, whose uniform and determined resistance, has been no less advantageous than honourable to themselves, and has exhibited the most striking The example to the surrounding nations. unconquerable valour and discipline of His Majesty's fleets and armies, continue to be displayed with undiminished lustre.

The

great sources of our prosperity and strength are unimpaired; nor has the British nation been, at any time, more united in sentiment and action, or more determined to maintain inviolate the independance of the empire, and the dignity of the national character.

"With these advantages, and with a humble reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, His Majesty is prepared to meet the exigencies of this great crisis; assured of receiving the fullest support from the wisdom of your deliberations, and from the tried affection, loyalty, and public spirit of his brave people."

The address was moved in the House of

Lords by the Earl of Jersey, and seconded by Lord Somers. It was commented on by Lord Hawkesbury, who was answered by Lord Grenville. The discussion was not very vigorous; and when the Negociation Papers, with other information, is before the House, a more interesting consideration of them may be expected. Address carried without division.

December 22, Lord Grenville moved the thanks of the House to Sir John Stuart, the officers and sodiers whose valour triumphed in the battle of Maida: naming also Generals Cole and Ackland. Agreed nem. dis. Adjourned to Dec. 31.

In the House of Commons, Mr. W. Lamb moved the address, and of coure, painted in strong colours the claims of the ministry to the gratitude of their country. Mr. John Smith seconded the motion. Mr. Canning animadverted on the address, as proposed;

and took a very extensive view of political affairs: he also read another address by way of amendment, but professing his desire of unanimity, did not press it on the acceptance of the House. Lord Howick, in reply, gave à good deal of information, observing thatPrussia was lost by her own acts her precipitancy that she had neither informed Britain, nor even Russia, from whom she expected assistance:-that with regard to the negociation with France, the papers to be produced would prove, that the proposal originated with France; that France had agreed to the general basis of the treaty, but afterwards abandoned the agreement; that no delay was imputable to ministers, they being guided by the incident of D'Oubril, the Russian negociator having signed a treaty; but, the Emperor refusing to ratify it, this delay was terminated: and that with regard to any exploits performed by the French squadrons, they were little to be dreaded on the part of Britain, though somewhat to boast of, on the part of France. Lord Castlereagh differed from Lord Howick; censured the dissolution of the last Parliament; censured the supineness of ministers in not encouraging Prussia to concert with Britain; censured the recall of Sir D. Baird, and Sir H. Popham, (who having acted without orders, are at present in somewhat of a dilemma: we hope, however, that all will end well; and that unexpected advantages may be derived from their activity). Address carried without a division.

Dec. 21, Mr. Secretary Windham moved thanks of the House to Sir J. Stuart, &c. as mentioned in the House of Lords; his motion was seconded by Sir J. Doyle. Agreed nem. con. As we stated in a few words our thoughts on the subject of this brilliant exploit when we recorded it, vide Panorama, p. 184, we shall only add, that the number of the French appears, by returns found on their officers, to have been about 8000, opposed to less than 5000 British. The number of the enemy killed was 1300, prisoners 1800, taken afterwards 2000. The wounded carried off by the enemy, were, no doubt, considerable. The French kept their courage till within about a yard of the British troops; of whom a very few were wounded by the French bayonets.

Dec. 22, No debate, but merely a few words on amending the works at the London Dosks; on Mr. Bowyer's petition for a Lottery Bill for his Gallery of Pictures; on the non-return of the Election for Galway. Agreed that a supply be granted to His Majesty.

Dec. 23. Explanation concerning the Galway election. Estimates for the navy, army, and ordnance, laid before the House. Discussion of salary attached to the office of chairman of ways and means. Adjourned to Dec. 29.

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