view of recruiting young men. He pointed out the effect on the labour market in the North which such a system might hereafter produce. The state of the currency, and the prices of necessaries, operated so as to render the position of persons emigrating from this country to America far worse than they were at home. He stated facts relating to the mode of inducing Irish labourers to emigrate, supposing that they were to be employed in the construction of railways, but who were only designed to be soldiers in the American service. He did not make any charge in this matter against the American Government, but his object was to hold out a warning to the people of this country. Mr. Layard said it was a very difficult matter to deal with, and he knew no better mode than by making the facts public, and reiterating the warnings which the noble lord had now given, to the persons likely to be entrapped into the military service of America in the way which had been described. The persons who carried on this system of kidnapping so managed, that it was impossible to obtain legal evidence sufficient to convict them of the offence of which they had been guilty. The Foreign Office had done all in its power to protect British subjects in America in this case, and Lord Lyons, in the United States had been indefatigable in doing all that was possible to obtain the release of men enlisted, and redress for them. Sir R. Peel thought the discussion was calculated to do much good amongst the unfortunate persons who were being made the victims of the unscrupulous agents engaged in seducing, under various pretences, the subjects of the Queen to enter the United States army. In Ireland, he was happy to assure the House, the Government of the Lord Lieutenant had resorted to measures to check these practices that could not fail to be effective. The financial statement of the Secretary of State for India was made this year as usual, just before the close of the Session, by the Minister for that department, Sir Charles Wood. It was of a very favourable character, and exhibited in a striking light the improvements which had taken place in the fiscal administration of Indian affairs since the transfer of the government to the Crown. Sir C. Wood began his speech by congratulating the House on the fact that the anticipations which he held forth in 1863 had been more than confirmed. During the three years ending April, 1862, the equilibrium of Indian finance had been so nearly restored, that upon a revenue charge of 49 millions the deficiency was only 50,000. At the close of the year ending April, 1863, instead of a deficit, the accounts showed a surplus of upwards of 1,800,000., and for the year ending April last, a surplus of 257,0007., while Sir Charles Trevelyan looked forward to a surplus for the current year of 823,000l. This result had been accomplished mainly by the reductions effected in Indian expenditure, notwithstanding a considerable remission of the extra taxation imposed during the mutiny. In addition to this, a large amount of debt had been dis charged, consisting of a temporary loan in this country of one million and a half, India Bonds a quarter of a million, and India Debentures five millions and a half. So that there had been paid off in this country, in the course of the last year, 7,313,000l., and 1,000,000%. in India, or a total of 8,313,000l. Further, he had the satisfaction of stating, that this result had been produced without reducing the estimated balance in the Indian Treasury, which, including 4,500,0007. at home, now amounted to 19,000,000. The various sources from which the revenue was derived, opium, salt, Customs, and land, were all in a healthy and thriving condition, and during the year there had been an increased expenditure of one million for public works, a half million for the improved survey and assessment for the land revenue, with a view to facilitating the purchase and transfer of land, and another half million for the administration of justice and police. The right hon. gentleman also detailed the various measures of internal administration adopted by the Government with a view of developing the natural resources of the country; enumerating amongst them the construction of public works, the encouragement given to railways, the establishment of the electric telegraph, the impulse imparted to cotton cultivation, and the introduction and successful cultivation of the tea and cinchona plants. In conclusion, he moved a series of nine Resolutions, the first seven of which were declaratory of the state of the finances in the respective presidencies and territories, and the last two related to those of the British Indian possessions generally. The Resolutions presented the following result: The total net revenues of the several Presi- April, 1863 £36,662,867 The total charges 24,968,240 As usual on these occasions, the discussion which ensued was a very limited one, the number of members who take an interest in Indian finance, or possess the competent information to criticize the Ministerial statement, being but small. So far as opinions were expressed, on the various matters referred to by Sir C. Wood, they were favourable to the conduct of the Government. Mr. H. D. Seymour congratulated the Secretary of State on the posture of affairs described by him, but suggested that further facilities for the more ready sale of waste lands in fee, would be very advantageous. He urged the adoption of measures to attract the emigra tion of Englishmen to, and their settlement in, India, and observed that if during the five years Sir C. Wood had been at the head of the Indian Department, he had taken proper measures, he might ere this, have fixed for ever the supply of cotton from India, so as to remove any fear that the restoration of peace in the United States would throw it again into the hands of the Americans. Mr. J. B. Smith also felicitated the Government on the improved prospects of India. He strongly advocated the further opening up of the internal navigation of India, which was as yet only to a small extent developed. Sir J. Elphinstone could not refrain from observing upon the scant attendance and languid interest which the affairs of this vast empire attracted in the House: they were now met on the 21st of July for the purpose of enacting that solemn farce, which last year was enacted on the 23rd of July. After a Session passed in laborious discussions, a fragment of the House of Commons met for the purpose of deliberating upon the government of 200 millions of people, yet the welfare of that enormous population was muttered over to almost empty benches. After some further discussion, the several Resolutions moved by Sir Charles Wood were agreed to. CHAPTER VI. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM-Absence of excitement on the subject during the present Session-Disinclination of both parties in Parliament to Constitutional changePartial measures proposed by various Members-Annual motion of Mr. H. Berkley in favour of the Ballot-It is rejected by a large majority-Mr. Locke King's Bill for lowering the county franchise negatived on the second reading-Bill of Mr. Bainǝs for lowering the franchise in boroughs to a 67. rental-Remarkable declaration of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in favour of extension of the suffrage-Effect produced by his speech - Mr. Baines's Bill is thrown out.-Under-Secretaries of State in the House of Commons - Curious discovery of a breach of Parliamentary law by an oversight of the Government-It is remedied by a Bill of Indemnity.-National Education-Complaints against Mr. Lowe, Vice-President of the Committee of Council, of mutilating the Inspectors' reports-Resolution censuring that practice moved by Lord Robert Cecil and carried-Resignation of Mr. Lowe in consequence of this vote-His denial of the charge imputed to him-Appointment of Select Committee to investigate the case Their Report absolves Mr. Lowe from the imputation-Lord Palmerston moves that the Resolution before adopted by the House be rescinded, which is carried nem. con.—. -Religious Tests and Subscriptions -Mr. Dodson brings in a Bill to abolish the tests required on taking degrees at Oxford-The measure is warmly opposed-On the third reading the " ayes" and "noes are equal-The question "that the Bill do pass" negatived by a majority of two. -Act of Uniformity-Bill introduced by Mr. Bouverie to repeal certain tests required by this Act-After some debate it is thrown out on the second reading.Episcopal Church of Scotland-Act passed conferring further privileges upon its ministers-Motion of Lord Ebury on the subject of the Burial Service-Convocation and the "Essays and Reviews"-Debate in the House of Lords on the powers assumed in this instance by Convocation-Severe remarks of the Lord Chancellor Speeches of Lord Houghton, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Bishops of London and Oxford.-Church Rates-The Session passes without any measure for their abolition-Proposed scheme of Mr. Newdegate.-Law Reform-Treatment of convicts, and alterations in the system of penal servitude-Bill brought in by Sir George Grey founded on Report of Royal Commission is passed - Proposed cessation of the punishment of transportation-Bill to restrict the sale of intoxicating liquors brought in by Mr. Lawson-Agitation and numerous petitions in favour of the Bill-It is rejected after debate in the House of Commons by a large majority - Close of the Session on the 29th of July-The Royal Speech delivered by Commission-Review of the political, social, and commercial features of the year-Conclusion. MEASURES tending in the direction of Parliamentary Reform appeared during the present Session to be placed in a state of abeyance, under a sort of tacit agreement between the Ministers and their opponents. It was not for the interest of Lord Palmerston's Government, which subsisted in a great measure under a system of compromise by the aid of a contingent support from the Conservative party, to precipitate a struggle which would have converted all those opposed on principle to constitutional change into determined opponents; nor was the Conservative party, although once when in office and under strong pressure it had ventured to offer a Reform Bill, inclined to repeat an experiment which many of its most discreet counsellors had then regarded as a mistake. Moreover, the fact was undeniable, that however individual politicians might be bound by previous pledges, or by a regard to their personal consistency, the public out of doors was entirely passive and silent on the question of Reform, and it is equally clear that if ever a material change is to be made in the constitution of Parliament, it can only be effected under a strong and preponderating impulse of public opinion. The complete political lull which now prevailed would have made it perfectly nugatory for any Ministry to propound a scheme for the extension of the suffrage, or for an alteration of the balance of power in the country by the disfranchisement of old, and the enfranchisement of new constituencies. In this state of things the Ministers considered themselves well justified in abstaining from any attempt to reopen the Reform controversy, and even that zealous and consistent Reformer Earl Russell had, in a speech delivered in Scotland in the previous Recess, expressed his acquiescence in this policy of inaction by applying the significant maxim-"Rest and be thankful." Nevertheless, it could hardly be expected that all the members of the Legislature, which comprised several politicians deeply committed to the principle of Reform, should hold themselves bound by a similar obligation to refrain from all action on the subject, or should give up what had become with some an annual practice of submitting their favourite measures, with however small a prospect of success, to the judgment of the House of Commons. Accordingly, the present Session witnessed a certain number of motions and propositions on subjects connected with Parliamentary Reform; and though each of these attempts failed of any practical result, one of them afforded a memorable occasion for an expression of opinion on the part of a leading statesman in the Ministerial ranks, which gave great encouragement to the hopes of those who desired an extension of the elective franchise. The persevering advocate for the Vote by Ballot, who had now for several successive years tested the opinions of the House of Commons by his annual speech and motion, Mr. H. Berkley, again preferred his appeal to the House on that somewhat exhausted question, and urged his panacea for electoral corruption with his usual ingenuity. He argued, that as a general election was, ere long, impending, and it was notorious that our electoral system was defective and corrupt in practice, and as we had no law which could put down the intimidation of voters, nor prevent bribery, it was, therefore, expedient that a fair trial should be given to the Vote by Ballot. Mr. Berkley contended that the Corrupt Practices at Elections Act had proved so complete a failure that corruption and malversation might now be said to flourish by Act of Parliament. The Ballot was the only true remedy for these evils; and he pointed triumphantly to its successful working in Australia. He then referred to the failure of the Corrupt Practices Prevention Act to achieve the objects contemplated by it, and to the state of large boroughs under the present system during general elections. The first thing to be done was to secure a certain person-a man from the moon-known to nobody, who came, and went, and disappeared. The man from the moon descended into the borough, and took up his position at some hotel. Next morning he visited some licensed victualler, and said, "On this day week I require forty breakfasts." Generally this mysterious person was accompanied by some individual who said nothing, but was perfectly well known to the licensed victualler. The man in the moon afterwards visited every other licensed victualler in the parish and gave similar orders, until he had ordered breakfasts to the amount of 4007. or 5007., and then he retired from the busy scene. What happened on the polling day? In this borough there was a vast number of establishments, each of which employed a great many hands, among whom there were perhaps twenty or thirty voters. On the morning of the poll these voters went to breakfast and afterwards to the poll, and then they joined the crowd, or assisted in bringing up voters to the poll. Towards the middle of the day those men proceeded to certain unfinished houses where provisions, beer, and spirits had been conveyed over night. Every one knew that these men dined at the expense of the candidate, but how could it be proved? At the end of the week, they were paid at their respective workshops for the polling day on which they had done no work. The breakfasts were not paid for by the same man in the moon, but by another equally unknown, but he deferred payment until the time for presenting petitions against the return had expired. Now, let him suppose the Ballot |