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administration of President Grant." One good result, by the way.

of a thorough civil service reform would be that there would be a The Week.

stronger tendency to make State elections turn on State questions, and the attention of the people would be concentrated on their local office

holders, who would be called to a stricter account than at present Politics seem to be rather livelier in Massachusetts than anywhere else; various ways, both in Washington and in every State capital.

The general Government's means of interference now work harm in though it is only among the politicians and editors that there is much stir as yet. Governor Claflin declines a renomination, an act which is said to mean that there are several gentlemen who wish to be gover

The weighty question whether the President would pardon Bowen nor, that the nomination of some of them would split the party, and

the bigamist has, we believe, at last been solved. He has pardoned that it has been decided that Mr. Claflin, who could be elected, shall him, on the ground that he acted in good faith; but no public explanawithdraw, and that the split, if it is coming, shall be permitted to come

tion has yet been offered of the fraudulent divorce proceedings here this year. Our old acquaintance, General Butler, is understood to want and in Connecticut. the nomination, and probably he is as strong a candidate with the peo

The Bowen bigamy having been got out of the way, the prominent ple as any body else, for to the greater portion of the Republican vote Washington topic is the dispute between Mr. Boutwell and General he could add the vote of the Labor Reformers and what votes the

Pleasanton--the latter, to make a long story short, denying the right of Woman's Rights women could influence—such is esteemed to be the appeal to Mr. Boutwell from his decisions as Commissioner of Internal virtuousness of those ladies in political matters. But politics in

Revenue. They have conie to loggerheads on other points, but this is Massachusetts have been so long in the hands of one party, that Massa

the main question between them; and the beauty of the affair to the chusetts has a set of hack professional politicians between whom and the cynics is, that Mr. Boutwell is suffering now from the operation of a average voter the difference is much like that between a country mouse

law made to 'exalt the Commissionership in power and dignity during and an astute old stable-rat in the city, so, some candidate really weaker

the Johnson period, when Mr. Rollins held it, and the Secretary than Butler with the people, and not a particularly shining light of the Treasury was suspected of heresy. The law gave nearly the morally either, may carry the convention. Doctor George B. Loring, whole control of the Internal Revenue collection to the Commissioner, for example, who is a professional office-seeker wlio has for years been

and Mr. Boutwell, who was its most prominent supporter, forgot to painfully seeking the governorship, is said to be very determined not

get it repealed before he came into office. But the quarrel with Geneto be put off this time. His friend Butler is popularly believed to

ral Pleasanton began when the latter came out against the income tax, have robbed him of one or two nominations, and this time the Doctor

and issued regulations for the assessment which went far to make its will make an out-and-out fight. But it may be doubted if any collection impossible, Mr. Boutwell being a firm supporter of it. convention can be made to believe him really a formidable personage, The difficulty of settling the dispute lies in the fact that while the and if he may not be thrown aside unregarded as he was by Butler—a Commissioner has a very fair color of law on his side, and has a strong gentleman who knows when to be bold as well as he knows when not.

hold on the President's favor drawn from old military associations, Other candidates are plentiful, but no names of particular prominence the Secretary is rather too important an official to be lightly sacrificed, are mentioned except Mr. Hoar’s, which, in view of his recent services, and has won a high reputation for honesty and fidelity, which ought would doubtless be a strong one; but probably the men inside politics not to be much to say of a financial minister, but, in the times in could mention several things which, in spite of their fondness for him, which we live, is a great deal. Mr. Boutwell has held enormous power compel them to think him unavailable. Mr. Phillips, we see, is out

over the money market ever since he took office, and the absence of in favor of his friend Butler, and it might cheer the spirit of all suspicion of abuse of it is certainly a strong testimony to hịs Doctor Loring if he would go over in his mind the times when Mr.

character. Phillips was on the winning side, and of these see how many there were when he did not immediately set off and go into his own corner.

The brutal assault on the Orange procession, in celebration of the Battle of the Boyne, which occurred last year in this city, and which the police

made little effort to prevent, and for which nobody was punished, led In Ohio, the leaders are trying to import some life into the contest, to preparations on a great scale among the Orangemen to repeat the but it is hot, and everybody languishes. In September, however, there celebration this year, and to still more extensive preparations among will be hard work, and it may reasonably be expected that the Repub- the Catholic Irish for an attack on them. The result was that the city licans are going to carry the State, which is what they could hardly was for a full week in expectation of a bloody riot yesterday (Wednesday). venture to bope two months ago. For one thing, the Ohio Democracy The Orangemen called on the city authorities for protection, and the are open repudiators, and that alone ought to be the ruin of them. For Catholics vowed that no protection should avail them; but the Cathoanother, it is by no means all of them who are pleased with the new lics, for obvious reasons, carried their point, and forced Mayor Hall departure," and a great deal of the vitality and power of growth in and the Superintendent of the Police into the unparalleled step of prothat bantling of Mr. Vallandigham's were buried when he was, so that hibiting the procession. The two documents-one a letter from the what hope there was of his serpent's swallowing up the others has in Mayor to the Grand Master of the Orange Association, and the other good part disappeared, and there is division in the Democratic ranks the general order of the Superintendent of Police-in which the reasons which will be felt at the polls. Then, too, there is a quarrel as to for not permitting the reception are given, are perhaps as amusing conwhether the candidate really got votes enough to nominate him, while tributions as have yet been made to the literature of the municipality. the Republicans, on the other band, escaped Mr. Ben Wade as a can- Not that the reasons are not all good; they are those which have made didate-definitively, we trust, relegating that war-horse to grass, in the best Irishmen for the last seventy years look on the Orange sociespite of his announcement that he should deem himself false to his ties as curses to Ireland, and which have led to the statutory prohibirecord if he could decline to obey the summons of the party—and tion of these processions in Ireland, after years of violence and bloodescaped also a San Domingo plank in their platform, or rather de- shed; and no candid and disinterested person can gainsay their force. clined outright to put one in. Those Republican journals, then, are But coming from Mayor Hall and Superintendent Kelso, who are well probably right which are expecting a Republican success; but prob- known to be simply obeying the orders of the Irish Catholic mob, ably those are not so right which, we perceive, are already getting their represented in the Ring by two of its prominent members, they have a mouths made up to announce the success as “ an endorsement of the very ludicrous sound, particularly as the same authorities saw no objection to Fenian processions, which were highly offensive to thou- turns; that various misappropriations of large sums of public money sands, or the great German procession, which celebrated a triumph in and jobs have been proved against them; that large sums of money war to the last degree humiliating to another portion of the American which

pass into their hands have disappeared and have not been population. This open surrender of the city authorities to a lawless accounted for; that they for two years persisted in refusing to and bloodthirsty mob, involving as it did the establishment of a pre- publish any accounts whatever; that they corrupt the legislature of cedent which would make all processions dependent on the will of this state and two of its judges. It is no answer to these charges to the majority for the time being, and put into the hands of the Mayor say that the city government is improving in their hands, that our the power of deciding what events it was proper for American citizens parks are better kept, or our streets better paved. That might satisfy to celebrate by parade, was too much even for the New York public ; a French atheist or a Roman pagan, it ought not to satisfy “professing it was too much even for Governor Hoffman, and at last roused in him Christians " in America, It is not enough for us that the government the old American Adam, which seems to have been sleeping a good is efficient-we have to see if we can that it is pure, that honest men addeal of late. So he came to New York, revoked the Superintendent's minister it, and that neither its honors nor profits go to knaves, or order, issued a proclamation announcing his intention to protect ruffians, or whoremongers. Civilization demands this of us, and we the Orangemen at all hazards, and put the troops under arms, and at owe it above all to the next generation not to give up trying for it, this writing stands ready to open a passage for the procession at the however wearisome the task may be. We may be thankful that point of the bayonet.

Tweed and Sweeny are no worse, but we cannot afford to pardon them

for being so bad. Such men cannot be forgiven, no matter how the We are, of course, heartily glad that the city has been saved from parks are kept, if we mean to keep up the semblance of a moral standthe disgrace which the Mayor and his confederates were about to inflict ard in politics. Of course, we understand many good people's being on it, and glad, too, that the followers of the Ring are about to receive

weary of the denunciation of the Ring kept up by the New York Times, a lesson in toleration; but this does not prevent us regretting deeply but then we do not see how moral, much less religious, men can find fault that this affair has ever occurred, because it marks, we fear, the formal with that paper on any other grounds than those of taste or policy. transfer to American soil of one of the most ferocious, baleful quarrels We think, for our own part, the persistence and pluck it has shown of the Old World. We shall now have to prepare for a battle in the have been deserving of the highest praise, and if anybody finds its streets every Twelfth of July, and even if the law be every year suc- iteration tiresome, it is the theme which is to blame. The one good cessfully enforced—which is at least doubtful—the hates and antago- and all-sufficient reason for denouncing the Ring every day is that the nisms which these processions breed will burn through the rest of the Ring is every day appropriating the public money, or debauching the year, and lead to many an outrage. The persons who parade in honor public conscience. We used ourselves, in like manner, to be frequently of St. Patrick in this city every year have certainly not as yet estab- requested to let Butler alone, at a time when Butler was every day lished many claims to the sympathy or respect of the American pub- trying some new trick in Congress, or making some effort to demoralize lic, and get very little of either; but it ought not to be forgotten, in the public out-of-doors. comparing the St. Patrick's procession with the Orange one, that St. Patrick was a Christian missionary and civilizer, and that a tribute to There came near being a very ugly tussle between the Times and his memory does not and ought not to rouse any bitterness or ani- Tribune last week--so near, indeed, that people began to put up their mosity in the mind of any rational man. His name is associated with shutters and call the children in from the street, the cause being that nothing but peace and good-will. The Battle of the Boyne, on the old and delicate one of “ free love,” which seems of late to have a more other hand, though it established civil and religious liberty on a firm irritating effect on the newspaper mind than anything in the whole basis in England, and was, therefore, one of the most important bat- range of "topics." It began with Mrs. Paulina Davis, who writes tles in history-pace the historians of the City Hall—was for the Irish flowery letters in the Tribune, showing that, when a wife does not the beginning of a period of almost unparalleled misery and oppres- like her husband, she ought to have the privilege of leaving him and sion, and established among them a system of class-rule which it is trying another; to which the Tribune very naturally replied that this no exaggeration to call devilish, and which came to an end only at the was “free love," and that, when a woman made a mistake with one time of the American Revolution. That the Irish Catholics should husband, there was no reason why she should not make a mistake with therefore still remember it with hate and rage, and should see in a the second, and so on, and pointed out the obvious conclusion that public celebration of it a kind of open rejoicing over their sorrow and under this system there was good ground for fearing that large numdegradation, and that the spectacle of such a celebration should rouse bers of women would go on trying new men all their lives, without the more ignorant and degraded of them into blood and fury, is no- ever finding their soul's darling—that is, that we should have under it thing wonderful. Orangemen profess to be very pious and great no addition whatever to the happiness of society, and a very considerBible-readers, and are, we believe, on the whole, a highly respectable able addition to its filth. It also pointed to the murder in Newark of and intelligent body of men. It may not, therefore, be useless to sug- the late distinguished statesman, “Pet” Halsted, and the numerous murgest to them, that now that their rights have been vindicated, the ders of Mrs. Sherman of Connecticut, as illustrations of the consemost creditable thing they could do for their order and for Protestant- quences of indulgence of lawless desires. Whereupon the Times reism would be to go in procession no more.

marked that this was very surprising language to come from that

quarter, and the Tribune immediately began to take off its coat and The City Ring has done a pretty good stroke of business during the

cravat, and there was for a few minutes prospect of bloody work. week in procuring the publication of an apology for them in the New · York Evangelist, the highly respectable organ of the Presbyterian Business is even duller than is usual at this season of the year. body. Nobody who knows anything of the editor will doubt that Under the influence of large receipts here and lower prices in Europe, he published it in perfect good faith, but it was nevertheless an act of breadstuffs have declined, although the principal European crops are singular indiscretion. It was the result, we learn, of an evening's con- reported unpromising. Cotton has further’advanced on the accumulatversation in his own house with Judge Hilton, whom the Evangelist ing evidence of a largely increased consumption, but the weather has pronounces a good man, but who, good or bad, has shown remarkable been more favorable for the growing crop. Meats are firm at the prefacility during the last two or three years in acting with some outra- vailing low prices, dry-goods are dull, coal unexpectedly firm, and real geously and notoriously bad men, and from whom, therefore, it would estate stagnant. Exports are light, and the foreign exchanges were be absurd to expect a fair statement of the condition of the city consequently strong, with an advancing gold premium, until the close government under the Ring in an evening's chat. There arecertain of the week. But the extraordinary success of the French loan had the facts about the Ring which admit of no denial. As, for example, that effect to stimulate to a great degree all the financial markets of Europe, its members have grown enormously rich in a very few years without be- a very marked demand for American bonds resulted, leading to large ing engaged in any legitimate business calculated to bring in large re-shipments, with a consequent decline in exchange and a moderate reaction in gold. Later on, rumors of a sudden and unexpected success compromise their new position by excesses and errors—a speculation in the attempt to place our new five per cent. bonds abroad were gene- which derives only too much support from the history of the past. rally circulated, then denied, and finally again reported as confirmed, the negotiation being reported as made through the London house of The Comte de Chambord has hastily acknowledged the utter rout Jay Cooke & Co. The financial markets are all more or less affected by of his supporters—though not of his hopes—by announcing that he is these rumors and reports, which, in view of the general buoyancy of not going to avail himself of the recent abrogation of the proscription the money market abroad, are entirely probable. The new French laws for taking his abode in the country of his birth and royal ancesloan is quoted at a premium, and the old Rentes have advanced to 50, tors, for fear that his presence in it might give countenance to agitawhich is the highest point touched since the first reverses of the Em- tion. He is to wait until France will call him not only to her bosom pire. The discovery that the coin reserve and securities of the Bank but to her throne, and then, he adds, " we shall found a government of France as well as of many other financial institutions remained with decentralization, liberty, and universal suffrage as our mottoes." entirely untouched by the Commune, despite reports to the contrary, These are sound mottoes, and somewhat different from some enunciahas contributed materially to the revival of confidence and activity in tions lately made by the same august personage when the royalist tide France and throughout Europe, but there are many minor indications seemed to be irresistible. He continues, however, to praise the army, that the seeming prosperity is in many instances fictitious and artificial. though the vote of the army in the supplementary elections may have

contributed more than anything else to cast dismay into the ranks of There is some alarm in England over the fact that the Council of the

the Bourbonists, and into the heart of their future Henry V., who had International Society have marked out England as the country in tried so hard to cajole MacMahon into playing the part of Monk. which their great experiment on modern society can be most effectively That vote is reported as overwhelmingly Republican, and to have been tried first, as the country in which the capitalist power-labor com- cast for lists of candidates "all headed with the name of Gambetta," bined on a great scale under master capitalists—has gained possession which, if true, is of rather evil omen for the future of France, as it of the whole process of production," and the only country where “ every signifies the desire of the army either for a dictatorship or for war. Gamchange in the economic facts will immediately react on the whole betta himself, however, is stated to counsel moderation, and the doings world.” In short, “ the Engli-h have every material condition for the of the National Assembly show that it sees in the elections not the trisocial revolution ; what they have not, is the generalizing spirit and umph of Gambetta, but of Thiers. The old statesman's principal care the revolutionary pa-sion.” The Council decides, therefore, that while

is to pay the indemnity, get rid of the Germans, and pacify France. England is a good place in which to set the work on foot, it ought on

He is reported to have discharged half of the Commune prisoners. no account, owing to the moral defects of the Englishman, “ be allowed His attitude towards foreign powers, Germany and Italy not excluded, to fall into purely English hands.” In other words, the Assys, is friendly. One of the great difficulties within is the question of the Dombrowskis, and Cluserets are to be brought over to manage unpaid Paris house-rents. it. This prospect of the Commune say in London or Liverpool, worked by the statesmen who superintended the institution in Paris, There is a fierce conflict going on in France over the income tax, has apparently alarmed some of the “educated men” who were apolo- which the free-traders of the agricultural and wine-growing districts gizing for its doings, a month or two ago. The Spectator has a strong clamor for, as a good substitute for the protective duties with which appeal to the English workingmen not to be led astray, and Professor M. Pouyer-Quertier threatens them, and which they, having tasted Beesly writes to the London Times trying to "hedge” a little. He the sweets of free-trade, dread. The protectionists are strongly says that the account given by a “distinguished Positivist,” some time opposed to the tax on the ground that it would be a tax on a class, ago (whom we have reason to believe was M. Littré), of the aims and and therefore odious and dangerous, and would yield little, the great creed of the Communists, was not authoritative. Its correctness, how- mass of French incomes being so small, and would lead to an enorever, is not denied, and indeed the address of the Council, from which mous amount of fraud and evasion, Frenchmen thinking it no great we bave made extracts elsewbere, confirms it in every particular. We harm to cheat the government. The result will probably be a comhave more than once cited it in the Nation. Anybody who has read it, promise, as M. Pouyer. Quertier will probably find it impossible to or read any statement of the objects of the Commune emanating from carry out the protectionist programme as it now stands, involving a anybody connected with it, must have been amused by the accounts rise of about 300 per cent, in the customs duties. given of these objects to the American public by Messrs. Wendell Phillips and B. F. Butler. The New York Times made an attempt to drive Mr.

The German celebrations of victory and peace are over, or nearly Phillips into a corner by publishing in parallel columns what Mr. Phillips over. There were, on a number of days, grand displays, rejoicings, x.tys about the Commune and what the Coinmune says about it-elf, and thanksgivings throughout the new Empire, both north and south which, however, only shows that the Times did not know its man. of the Main. The city of Hanover, which five years ago was deprived What would it say if Mr. Phillips were to inform it that all the Com by Prussia of its dignity as the residence of a sovereign king, seems munists knew about the Commune they had learned from him? alone of all the great cities of the Empire to have given vent to its

feelings of disaffection towards the triumphant Hohenzollern, by refusConcerning the French elections of July 2, the Cable has left us in ing to vote the sum required for a celebration-an act of discord which considerable darkness, the reports continuing contradictory both ag bas caused much comment of an unpleasant character. The ultrato the number and the political complexion of the candidates elected. montanes of various parts of Germany added to the mortification thus The first classification spoke of “120 Republicans, 8 Legitimists, and inflicted on the more passionate unionists by not only celebrating on 12 Bonapartists;" the next of "86 for Thiers, 13 Radicals, 2 Legi. the days of the triumphal entry and thanksgiving at Berlin-July 16 timists, 3 Orleanists, and 1 Bonapartist "; then we hear that "the and July 18—the coinciding twenty-fifth anniversaries of the election elections have increased the majority of the supporters of President and see-taking of Pope Pius IX., but also boasting that the jubilations Thiers in the Assembly by fully 100"; and, finally, that the election of in honor of the Catholic Pontiff surpissed those performed for the M. Moreau "increases the Republican delegation from the capital to glorification of the Protestant Eniperor. Things, however, passed off 7"--though Paris elected 26 representatives. Thus much, however, quietly everywhere, and Germany is gradually subsiding into real jä сe rtain, that the aggregate of the elections is generally felt and peace and unity. Annexation proclivities here and there continue to admitted in France to have been a great victory for both Thiers and be manifested, some self-constituted leaders of public opinion demandthe Republic, though not all Thiersites elected are Republicans, and noting the incorporation of the German provinces of Austria, others the all Republicans supporters of Thiers. Both Legitimists and Bonapart- deliverance of the Germans in the Baltic provinces of Russia, and still ists have suffered a crushing defeat; more or less secretly, however, others the occupation of the Island of Heligoland; but these reckless they console themselves with the thought that their Republican counsels are scouted by the better sense of the nation, as either premaantagonists, who are now masters of the field, will soon manage to ture, adventurous, or flagrantly unjust.


of the farming and yeomanry class, in these days of speculation, emiThe growing indifference on the part of the great body of the gration, and travel, think of refusing. The process which is going on people in Europe to political questions, as (distinguished from all over England is, in short, the one which everybody is familiar with social questions, is aggravated in England by the difficulty of in the neighborhood of our great cities in this country, where land has the land question, which is both social and political, and on

come into demand for "country seats," and, therefore, risen ten or the whole, perhaps, more social than political. It is not denied twenty times above its value for farming purposes. In other words, that the constitution of society is everywhere more or less dependent on poor men cannot afford to own land. The evils of this state of things the way in which the land of the country is held. If a few persons are now a subject of daily comment. The separation of the great body hold it, they will almost inevitably form an aristocracy, and exercise of the people from the soil, and the stripping of the land of all sentian amount of social and political influence such as no other species of mental association with the national life, and its reduction to the charproperty of equal value would give them. If the majority are land-acter of an instrument of production simply, and the diminution to a holders, they will form a democracy, and the existence of a small mere handful of the number of those who can be said to have any real privileged or influential class, let it be never so wealthy, will be diffi- | interest in the defense of property against the disorganizing theories cult or impossible. This well-known influence of the distribution of which are gaining currency among the inhabitants of the great cities, land on politics and society is in England strengthened by the tradi- are matters which begin to excite serious apprehension amongst all tions of a thousand years. The national character itself has worked in who have anything to lose. France, whenever the devil of socialism its favor. There is something in the unprogressiveness and perma- is let loose in her great cities, is able at once to meet him, and, if need nence, and the having-and-holding character of this kind of property, be, to crush him with millions of peasant proprietors. But what could which is grateful to ninety-nine Englishmen out of a hundred, in spite thirty thousand “noblemen and gentlemen,” who now constitute “the of the bold spirit of speculation displayed in English commercial landed interest” of England, do if the landless majority were to become history. All English speculators, however, from the Conquest down, hostile to, or even indifferent about, their rights? It is not the Radicals whether they fought or traded, did so with a view to owning land, only, therefore, whom the present state of things is alarming. Conserand surrounding their names with the fixity of land. The result has vatives, too, begin to see its dangers. been, however, that the soil on which over 30,000,000 of people live has How is such a division of the soil as exists in France—supposing it worked itself gradually into the hands of 30,000 proprietors, and the to be desirable-to be brought about? It has in France been the result tendency in the same direction continues as strong as ever. Whichever of three things-the general impoverish ment of the noblesse, through way English reformers turn, therefore, they find themselves face to face their extravagance and exclusion from trade and from intermarriage with the land question. The process of democratization cannot be car with the commercial class before the Revolution; the confiscation and ried much if any farther than it has gone, unless the great estates can sale of noble and church estates during the Revolution; and the abolibe broken up, or, at all events, an end be put to their agglomeration. tion of the freedom of testamentary disposition made by the RevoluBut how is either of these things to be done without attacking the tion. When we consider what all these things mean, and what an very principle of prop-rty, which moderate reformers are just now very extraordinary combination of circumstances has been needed to proanxious about, and feel to be seriously imperilled by the assaults of a duce them, it will be seen that even if the condition of landed property much less scrupulous enemy?

in France were never so desirable, it would be no easy matter to introThere was a time when it was the fashion of platform agitators to say duce it into any other country. To introduce it into England would that all that was necded was to abolish primogeniture; but it has now be require a far greater upturning than has ever taken place in France. come generally known that you might abolish primogeniture without se- Supposing it were introduced, however, and supposing it to be deriously affecting the size of English estates in five centuries. The death sirable, would it be possible to maintain it without a great change in of an owner of real estate in England without having made a will, and the Anglo-Saxon character and in the Anglo-Saxon philosophy of having regulated the descent of his property by a settlement, is a very life? There is one fact in the social condition of both England and rare occurrence—so rare that it might for all practical purposes be said America which has to be seriously considered by anybody who underto be unknown, and it is only in cases of intestacy that the law of takes to regulate the distribution of landed property in either of them, primogeniture operates. The law might, as in France, interfere with and that is the growing indisposition of the people to play the part of the right of testamentary disposition, but this would be evaded by small farmers, and their increasing eagerness for town life and increas"settlements,” such as are now made between father and son, and to ing restiveness under the solitude and monotony of country life. The interfere with these open proclamation has to be made of the theory French peasant's love of land and the tenacity with which he clings to that there is a distinction between real and personal property, which and labors on the minutest portion of the soil, are in a large degree requires that the transmission, transfer, and tenure of the one should the result of his ignorance and want of enterprise. If he were be regulated in a different manner from those of the other. This is the educated and his horizon enlarged, and the spirit of speculation theory, however, which the English Tories have held and legislated on or desire to

get on," which devours Anglo-Saxon societies like for centuries, and, what is more to the purpose, it is the theory against a fever, were once to take possession of him, we should assuredly which the English Radicals have always fought. The latter have hear no more of the extreme division of the soil in France. It invariably contended that the sale or descent of a piece of ground is safe to say that wherever the peasants are educated, or, in should be as casy as that of a sheep, and the formalities no greater or other words, wherever the farming-class is ceasing to be peasantry, more expensive than might be necessary to provide proper evidence of the alienation from farming life, which is so marked a feature of Amertitle. This view, however, the Conservatives have of late shown a ican society, has sprung up or will spring up. The soil of England suspicious willingness to accept, and the Radicals have begun to find might, therefore, be parcelled out among farm laborers to-morrow, but out that, even if they got it embodied in legislation, the absorption of if their sons went to the district schools and got a knowledge of strange the small holdings would probably go on as rapidly as ever, for the places, and a hankering after the casy gains of trade, and the clean life simple reason that, owing to the eager competition for land among of the store, the probabilities are very strong that they would be found persons who have made large fortunes in trade, the price of land all disposing of their patrimony or abandoning it as eagerly as the sons of over England is what dealers call “a fancy price"—that is, a price farmers in New York or Ohio. The truth is that the railroad, the which men pay for a luxury, and which makes the usual return on telegraph, and the newspaper have taken the magic out of freeholds. capital impossible. No man buys an estate in England nowadays with The process of the concentration of land in few hands does not go on the view of making money out of it. He buys it with the view of here because, in the first place, no man can here get either income or “ founding a family," and giving himself social consideration, and social consideration out of the holding of larger tracts of farming land amusing himself. The buyers of land, therefore, are always in the than he can himself cultivate, and, in the second place, because Europe market, offering prices which no holder who is dependent on his land is steadily supplying a class who are still in the peasant condition of for his living can well afford to refuse, and which in practice few men mind and body, to take the place of the natives who are abandoning

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